In the parliamentary elections in March 2021 does the new party “We are the Netherlands” in a small number of constituencies. The game comes from the extreme right-wing movement in the Netherlands and presents itself as a representative of the protest movement against the corona measures. Various candidates and supporters have an extreme right-wing background. Op 21 juni 2020 irons one… Read more
The Fortuynist party Forza! Netherlands is in 2004 officially established in Hoofddorp. The game is 2003 emerge as spin-off of the LPF. In the municipal elections can there Velsen, Castricum and Nissewaard be voted on this party. This is the fifth part of a series of short articles about the local elections 2018. In the… Read more
This year, no less than twenty parties participated in the municipal elections in Rotterdam. two sides covered in our examination of the candidates. Both are newcomers to Rotterdam, PVV and Jesus Lives. This is the first part of a series of short articles about the local elections 2018. Jesus Survived The orthodox Christian party takes Jesus Lives… Read more
Right Wing Extremist Wim Vreeswijk sentenced to ten months imprisonment for foreigners exploit.
Sinds 2013 political parties are required each year all donations above € 4500 disclose. From the Year in 2015 show the PVV € 108.000 to have received the David Horowitz Foundation. And twice € 4500 from an initially anonymous donor from the Netherlands. No other Dutch donor donates such a large amount. Deze… Read more
It was a test showed Edwin Wagensveld, the initiator of the first Pegida demonstration in Netherlands, know. A test to see if Pegida in the Netherlands would catch on, whether there would be enough support and whether a successful picture could be put down, as it worked with the Pegida demonstrations in Germany. An analysis of… Read more
Op 19 maart 2014 wordt in bijna alle Nederlandse gemeentes een nieuwe raad gekozen. Die verkiezingen maken het bij uitstek mogelijk om als klein partijtje met weinig aanhang en een beperkt organisatievermogen enig politiek succes te behalen. In een kleine gemeente kunnen immers een paar honderd stemmen al genoeg zijn voor een zetel. Bovendien zijn… Read more
The longest established right-wing party in the Netherlands, the Dutch People's Union (NVU), does in three municipalities participate in municipal elections in 2014. That is certainly not the first, but perhaps somewhat surprised. Surprisingly, because the party since its establishment in 1971 regularly participated in elections without even once a seat… Read more
Four years ago, the City of Utrecht Wim Vreeswijk managed (1950) not to cash it Wilders effect for his Freedom Party Utrecht (PVU). He still had so done his best to look like the PVV. Vlaams Belang bustle beautiful pamphlets for PVU to reach the people. Vreeswijk try it this year… Read more
Landgraaf The Labour Party was shocked as well when the tip came in that she had a right-wing extremist gekandideerd. However, the lists in Landgraaf had already become final and deletion could therefore no longer be. Als With Jülicher (1955) real political color has changed, he had better open card to play on… Read more
Haarlemmermeer Forza! The Netherlands is a far right Fortuynist game since 2010 is represented in the council of the collective municipality of Haarlemmermeer. They started with three councilors, maar 2012 was a turbulent year in which one councilor Forza! left and the former Proud Netherlands councilor Conny de Bree joined them. The core of the… Read more
Arnhem Arnhem local takes the cake with the participation of notable factions to her local. The Libertarian Party is participating, several elderly parties, a division of Pride in the Netherlands and a whopping two parties openly extreme right. As icing on the cake enters a real anti-pedophile party scene. About the neo-Nazis of the… Read more
Almelo PVA Party Pretty Almelo (PVA) In many respects, the Party for Freedom (PVV) Geert Wilders directed. The visit of the provincial PVV States Group to the PVA in January figures prominently on the website. Now at election time gives the PVA thus clear signal that the potential… Read more
Bergen op Zoom Party leader Ton Linssen (1952) his party list Linssen has often defends himself. He claims that his party is not racist or extreme right. As alderman works Linssen in Bergen op Zoom along with a broad coalition with VVD and PvdA. Are at the Table Linssen both renegade SP members like Wilders fans welcome,… Read more
With the appearance of the first edition of the magazine Alert! in 1997 also appeared the first "Under the Loupe ', the article that provides research Kafka. Na 15 year and almost 60 episodes is the time to look back. A critical review: we've done it all the time as we wanted? Had Articles… Read more
In this article we discuss the far-right activist Paul Peters. Peters is interessant, because he is important in the extreme right because of his long career – he is in his own words more than fifteen years in the world -, that whole period has been very active and of great significance for all kinds of organizations. But above… Read more
In Parliamentary parties usually present with slick election commercials, multicolored promotional leaflets with the priorities, detailed manifestos full of noble plans and Web sites that candidates show their best side. The Anti-Fascist Research Kafka looked even better for the politicians who are now candidates for the parliamentary elections. We viewed the political… Read more
There are countless dreams, theories and strategies' which sets put how you could achieve political ideas. How do you end your ideal society should reach. Infiltrating other, politically more successful organizations is one of them. The extreme right has raised a long history. You need something as ambitious right-wing extremist…. Read more
The extreme right and weapons, that seems a particularly unfortunate, if not lethal combination. Especially now that the Norwegian mass murderer Anders Breivik and the German serial killers Nationalsozialistische Untergrund (NSU) show where armed right-wing extremists are capable. Yet the Dutch government seems to be in the form of police and AIVD the possession of weapons of Dutch right-wing extremists… Read more
The right-wing extremist Anders Breivik has committed a bomb attack in Norway and killed dozens of people. In a manifesto in which he explains his act Breivik refers several times to the political situation in the Netherlands. According to the AIVD there is little threat from the Dutch extreme right. Is this observation correct? The murder of (fairly randomly chosen) mensen… Read more
Mussolini-fan, SS admirer and Centre Democrats support parliamentarian Geert Wilders's Freedom Party of Geert Wilders in March participated in the provincial elections in all provinces. Since the establishment is trying PVV rig, keep troublemakers and known right-wing extremists outside the door. That this is not an easy, appeared in recent months. De ene na… Read more
In this article we will look back on the past decade. The reason is that in our opinion, there is currently a transition period, perhaps even the end of an era. Some organizations are on the verge of disappearing, many far-right activists have recently been dropped. At the same time there is a party in… Read more
The participating parties extreme right or the ordinary right-wing parties that have an appeal to right-wing extremists? If we only look at its conclusions sometimes difficult to pull the party programs. Maybe a look behind the scenes? Which people are involved in this election? The Freedom Party of Geert Wilders but in two counties along…. Read more
In their own words Constant Kusters was 1989 active within the extreme right. Around this time, he celebrated so its twentieth anniversary. There are still some Dutch right-wing extremists who sustained two decades, but many are not there. While many right-wing extremists after a shorter or longer time drop off because the infighting, the gossip and internal… Read more
On Tuesday 1 May 2007 The police raids carried out in two neo-Nazis. Delft Maarten van Mil is arrested. Spijkenisse Robin van Opstal. The raids have resulted from an investigation into arms Arris de Bruin, who was arrested in March. In both the Brown and Van Mil his weapons and ammunition found. Van Opstal… Read more
One of the main right-wing parties in the Netherlands has fallen apart. The people of the Pim Fortuyn List (LPF) have spread over several new parties. Also from the VVD are some right-wing MPs walked for new political initiatives. How should we interpret these new parties? Are they extreme right? If we only look at the manifestos… Read more
Recently we wrote the first article about Blood & Honour Nederland. It was history and describes the current state of affairs. Briefly came across this article means that some attempts have been made to establish a Dutch department of Blood & Honour, the international organization for Nazi skinheads. These attempts all failed,… Read more
In recent years we watched regularly representatives “new politics”, to investigate whether there was also of right-wing extremists who joined this. We watched Liveable Netherlands, LPF and various factions that tore from them. It is therefore interesting to see how it is now with. De… Read more
De Nederlandse Volksunie (NVU) takes in five municipalities in the elections. No sooner did the National Socialist Party in so many places along. A growth in the NCE is no question, however,. National Socialism, the NCE is an outspoken extremist party. Strict rassenwetten, anti-Semitism and a National Socialist unit is part of the philosophy of… Read more
New Right is like most extreme right-wing parties in the Netherlands originated from a quarrel and a split of another party. As Michiel Smit in 2003 put out Liveable Rotterdam, Partly because of his ongoing contacts with the Vlaams Blok and the NNP. It soon becomes apparent that the sole fraction Smit pretends a… Read more
According to a time-honored tradition of the extreme right National Alliance emerged from a split in another far-right party. Jan Teijn, NNP member and part councilor in Rotterdam Feyenoord, was in the spring of 2003 quarrel with the party of the NNP. The reason for this was distributing money and Teyn's trade in neo-Nazi CDs. This quarrel… Read more
In 1999 did the Centre Democrats Janmaat last part in the elections. In the provincial elections, they lost all their seats in that year. A few months later the CD tried again during the European elections, but that was a fiasco from. A year earlier the… Read more
Op 10 June, the voters can vote again for the members of the European Parliament. The far-right party New Right does with 25 candidates competing. A number of them has an interesting background. One part is taken from the LPF, but many have had contacts with more radical organizations like the NNP, the… Read more
Late January 2004 made the Amsterdam Wim Beaux known to leave the New National Party and he joined the NNP-splitting “Nationale Alliantie”. This Beaux began his fifth extreme-right party since he 1980 became a member of the Center Party. In this 23 jaar is Fine’ political career all but gone about roses. Shortly after… Read more
Anyone who has an email address knows the phenomenon: spam. Spam is unwanted email that was sent, often with advertisements for porn sites, penisvergroting, viagra pills and cheap loans. Almost all spam comes from obscure American organizations. Dutch spam is rare, but does exist. Special is that also makes use of the extreme right there. As if they were with… Read more
On Saturday 8 maart 2003 demonstrate a small fifty right-wing extremists by the Rotterdam district Feyenoord. The route is short and mostly runs along the track through a sparsely populated area. On the spot where a new mosque will be built retain the councilor Florens van der Kooi a speech against Islam in general and… Read more
It must be said that Emile Ratelband has made an enormous achievement on his election participation. Within a few days he has been handed a well-stocked candidates in all circles. Here, more than 600 people involved in. The other small parties had much more trouble to get this job done and let all kinds… Read more
Just three months after the installation of the government Balkenende is the chaos within the second ruling party, The LPF, incalculable more. All kinds of different arguments and conflicts plaguing the party. One of the conflicts takes place within the Kamerfractie: The chairman Wijnschenk with his faithful can no longer through one door with Winny de Jong… Read more
The AVD splits in October 2002 van de LPF of. The big stumbling block for AVD'ers is the lack of participation and democracy within the LPF. Unlike Winny de Jong and her Conservatieven.nl however lacks the AVD a striking figurehead. Partly because the game will only get the publicity and… Read more
As if there are not yet enough elections, inhabitants have a number of counties in late November to the polls for municipal reorganization elections. Both in Zwijndrecht in Oss are exciting developments. Livable Zwijndrecht in Zwijndrecht joins the NNP and submitted a list of eleven candidates. The list itself has few surprises: a… Read more
In de Lente van 2002 werd vanuit de extreem-rechtse Nieuwe Nationale Partij (NNP) een jongerenorganisatie opgericht met de naam Nieuwe Nationale Jongeren (NNJ). Alle NNP-leden in de leeftijd van 16 tot 30 jaar zijn automatisch lid. Men zet een website op die volgens eigen zeggen ‘niet politiek correct’ and which one explains what the… Read more
In maart behaalt de NNP bij de deelraadsverkiezingen in Rotterdam-Feijenoord voorlopig haar enige succesje van dit jaar. De partij doet met twee zetels haar intrede in de deelraad. Oudgediende Jan Teijn wordt de fractievoorzitter en partijvoorzitter Florens van der Kooi wordt tweede man. Besides the membership of the council Jan Teijn also takes the editorship… Read more
Op 6 maart zijn er gemeenteraadsverkiezingen in meer dan 400 gemeentes in Nederland. Al eerder namen we hiervoor de kandidatenlijsten van extreem-rechtse partijen onder de loep. Het blijkt echter dat lieden uit extreem-rechtse partijen ook opduiken op de kandidatenlijsten van partijen die niet extreem-rechts zijn. Vooral de “Leefbare” partijen hebben aantrekkingskracht. There occurs a plurality… Read more
De Nederlandse Volksunie (NVU) doet in de Zuid-Limburgse plaatsen Kerkrade en Landgraaf mee. In beide plaatsen heeft de partij kennelijk weinig kader, want van de drie kandidaten komt er maar één uit de regio. In Kerkrade wordt de lijst aangevoerd door de Duitse Christian Malcoci. Malcoci has been a radical Nazi activist in Germany… Read more
De Nederlands Volksunie doet in Arnhem mee met een lijst van drie kandidaten. Lijsttrekker is partij-voorzitter Constant Kusters. Op de tweede plaats staat Kusters’ jeugdvriend Lodewijk Faber en plaats drie wordt bezet door Kusters’ voetveeg Chris Smit. Constant Kusters is lijsttrekker en voorzitter van de NVU. Begin jaren 90 he was active in the circle… Read more
In Rotterdam, doing both the Dutch People's Union (NVU) as the New National Party (NNP) mee. Moreover, the NNP kandi decodes also in the council Feyenoord. Beide partijen blijken hierbij in hoge mate een beroep te doen op voormalige leden van de CP’86. The Dutch People's Union list of NCE is comprised of four names. Constant Kusters,… Read more
In Leeuwarden doet de NNP mee onder leiding van partijsecretaris Hendrik Sybrandy. Hendrik Sybrandy, die ook lijsttrekker voor de NNP in Amsterdam is, loopt sinds 1992 rond binnen het extreemrechtse circuit. In dat jaar ontmoet hij extreemrechtse deelnemers aan de Fries-nationalistische Warns-herdenking en wordt vervolgens lid van het Nederlands Blok. At first he is… Read more
In Brunssum doet de nieuwe partij Waakzaam Brunssum mee. Deze partij is gegroepeerd rond voormalige CD-afdeling van het stadje. Oprichter en lijsttrekker van Waakzaam Brunssum is voormalig CD-raadslid John Zillen. Zillen zat van 1994 tot en met 1998 in de Brunssumse raad, maar was daarvoor al betrokken bij andere extreem-rechtse organisaties. He was from the beginning… Read more
De Amsterdamse lijst van de NNP geeft een beter beeld van de partij, dan de partij waarschijnlijk lief is. Het gaat om een waslijst van overtuigde anti-semieten, geweldplegers en mensen met criminele antecedenten. De lijst wordt aangevoerd door Hendrik Sybrandy, die ook lijsttrekker is in Leeuwarden. (See in Leeuwarden for more information about him). De… Read more
Op 10 juni zal de nieuwe politieke partij Leefbaar Nederland officieel opgericht gaan worden. In april weigerde de partij twee leden vanwege hun extreem-rechtse politieke verleden. Eén van hen tekende hiertegen beroep aan, wat op 10 juni behandeld zal worden. Op die dag zal er ook een nieuw partijbestuur gekozen gaan worden. One of… Read more
Zaterdag 13 January 2001 werd Henk Ruitenberg voor de tweede keer in zijn politieke carrière verkozen tot voorzitter van een extreem-rechtse partij. Was hij medio jaren negentig nog voorzitter van de CP’86, inmiddels is hij de leider van de NNP. Ruitenberg bracht de extreme vleugel van het Nederlandse fascisten-landschap iets waar grote behoefte aan was:… Read more
Het CDA-Eerste Kamerlid Van den Hul-Omta zal “bij wetgeving waakzaam zijn betreffende het door Taalverdediging bepleite”. Haar collega Woldring steunt Taalverdediging van harte en hun partijgenoot Visser-van Doorn, die in de Tweede Kamer zit, kan de meeste doelstellingen onderschrijven. They respond to a letter campaign to the campaign group Taalverdediging all national political parties for their support… Read more
Een woordvoerster van het verzet uit de Tweede Wereldoorlog vond het maar niets dat nota bene een extreem-rechtse partij zich de naam “Verzets-Partij” had aangemeten. Op 20 maart 2000 richtten de nieuwe ‘verzetsstrijders’ Ruben Hubbers (1980) en zijn eega Gaby Hubbers-Plasschaert (1974) deze vereniging op om aan de komende Tweede Kamerverkiezingen mee te kunnen doen…. Read more
Op 8 november worden er in Utrecht gemeenteraadsverkiezingen gehouden. De gemeente Vleuten-De Meern wordt met haar 20 duizend inwoners bij Utrecht gevoegd en zo ontstaat een groter Utrecht met ruim 250 duizend inwoners en extra bouwgrond om nog verder te groeien. Aan de verkiezingen, die bij een dergelijke herindeling vereist zijn, does the far-right party… Read more
Extreem-rechtse Skinheads zijn in Nederland nooit een factor van betekenis geweest. Toch waren ze de afgelopen jaren betrokken bij gewelddadige activiteiten en hun rol binnen extreem-rechtse organisaties mag ook niet worden onderschat. Hun aantal is echter minimaal, de organisatiegraad erg laag en ze hebben bovenal een erg slecht imago. In addition, the skinhead subculture has years of serious… Read more
De Nederlandse Volksunie (NVU) wordt in 1971 door Guus Looy opgericht als één van de diverse naoorlogse pogingen om eerherstel voor oorlogsmisdadigers te verkrijgen. Het Heelnederlands gedachtegoed wordt omarmd en in 1973 krijgt de NVU een tweede (Vlaamse) voorzitter: Roeland Raes. Dit initiatief levert nauwelijks enig succes op. The party remains marginal to one Joop… Read more
De dwarsverbanden die sommige mensen leggen kunnen soms verbazingwekkend zijn. Dat voorzitter Koetsier van de Verenigingskerk (Nederlandse tak van de Moonsekte) in februari spreker was op een partijbijeenkomst van de uiterst rechtse Nieuwe Nationale Partij (NNP) will have surprised many people. If you go past Wim Koetsier however, look it is already something… Read more
In 1998 verdwenen de extreem-rechtse partijen van het politieke toneel omdat bijna alle zetels verloren gingen. Bíjna alle, want in twee steden wist extreem-rechts zich te handhaven. In Schiedam mocht CD’er Ad Bierhuizen zijn nietszeggende aanwezigheid met vier jaar verlengen en in Utrecht werd Wim Vreeswijk voor de vijfde keer op rij herkozen. Wim (Willem… Read more
Michael Alexander Bos (1967) almost ten years in the extreme right flank of Dutch politics. He began his career with the CD and the CP'86 and today is mainly concerned with the mapping of his political opponents. In 1989 Michiel Bos member of the CD Janmaat. He… Read more
It is the list of connection Centre Democrats / Conservative Democrats party leader with Chiel King by far not managed to get a seat in the European parliament. From kiesdeler (at approximately 3% team) was missed by half a percent of the votes. Nevertheless voted almost 18.000 not at home on the CD. in particular in Limburg (0,7%)… Read more
Sympathy for the extreme right ideology in the Netherlands since the early eighties not been so small as now. Since the local elections last year, where the splintered fascist movement 88 seats fell to a total of two, seems any attempt to peddle racist ideas through elections futile… Read more
Free (Friedrich Eduard Matthee) Verbrugge (1945) from Hoeven is from 1976 actively Outpost and fits 1978 Outpost- Netherlands on. He is one time chairman of this section, but leaves according to the Chamber of Commerce in March 1982 as a board member. In practice, however, he was to 1996 Chairman of the Dutch branch and… Read more
Zaterdag 27 March the annual contact day of Voorpost Netherlands Hilversum. Among those present were several board members of the NNP and Chiel King pulls the CD table at the next European elections. At this meeting, the Vlaams Blok party leader spoke in Brussels, Johan de Mol on the theme 'Safety'. This topic choice is given… Read more
Some time before the municipal elections 1998 Some active fascists began discussions on the future of the extreme right in the Netherlands. Involved included the People's Nationalists Netherlands (VNN), some CD'ers and Outpost. Wim Vreeswijk of Dutch Block was just the party. On the one hand expecting a severe loss in elections and… Read more
The candidate of the CD in South Holland gives a hurry familiar image: Janmaat as Lijstduwer and beyond all people who walk around for some time with the CD. That it is now incumbent parliamentarian Pieter de Jong no candidate has undoubtedly something with his age (82 jaar) to make. The list includes eleven candidates, two… Read more
The CD is in Gelderland a list of ten candidates. Because four of them do not give written consent to their application they are removed from the list. Of the six remaining candidates for this, three were still unknown as CD'er and walk the other three a little longer at the party around. It finds… Read more
The list includes twelve candidates, most of whom have long walk around with the CD. Remarkably, the current parliamentarian Wim Elst Wood from Haarlem is in second place. The region Kennemerland represents the strongest on the list. This probably has something to do with the circle of success Haarlem. Haarlem… Read more
De Nieuwe Nationale Partij (NNP) occurs only in municipal elections in Breda note. The party is in July 1998 founded by the People's Nationalists Netherlands (VNN), CD'ers apostate and non-party-aligned right-wing extremists. On behalf of the VNN were especially Marcel Hoogstra and Marc de Boer involved in setting. Chairman is former board member Egbert CP'86 Peree (1924), Secretary VNN former board member… Read more
Dutch Block end up doing only in the province of Utrecht with. The party has in the city of Utrecht a council office and home. An attempt to participate in Friesland will play on a shortage of supportive statements. Utrecht is absolutely no shortage, rather the opposite; the party has no less than… Read more
Besides Utrecht wanted Dutch Block also get involved in Friesland. However, the intended party leader Hendrik Sybrandy got its act together on time around. With great effort he finally managed 28 declarations of support to collect, two too little so. In addition, two candidates failed to make a written statement in which they agreed with their… Read more
Marcel Hoogstra and Marc de Boer This time an article is not one, but two right-wing extremists. Not because these gentlemen were not interesting enough for an individual consideration, but because both of their doings and so closely intertwined. We are talking about Marcel Hoogstra and Marc de Boer, in far-right circles… Read more
Establishment In 1992 take a number of Dutch right-wing parties to participate in a series of merger meetings led by Vlaams Blok leader Filip de Winter. If this attempted merger would succeed should be called the Dutch Party Block. Alfred Vierling, Ton However Steemers and Hans Lindenburg make this plan impossible in August 1992 a new… Read more
Establishment in October 1984 be Janmaat and a number of supporters after internal quarrels of the Centre Party (CP) put. In November, a number of them the Party Centre Democrats (CD) Founded. Janmaat is also a member of this party. Initially Janmaat is not in the board, but a year later he pulls all… Read more
Prosper Joannes Antonius Gerardus Ego on 17 juli 1927 born. He is founder and until now president of the Veterans Legion (OSL), one of the most successful far-right organizations in the Netherlands. Ego's life is dominated by anti-communism. With his penchant for authoritarian forms of governance, ethnocentrism and his aversion to anything with… Read more
Ed Polman (Edward, geboren in 1973) In recent years one of the most active Nazi skinheads in the Rotterdam-Rijnmond region. He dives in 1994 for the first time in the far right track when he joins the CP'86. The Rotterdam circuit CP'86 around 1994 a reservoir of young Nazi skinheads who… Read more
Havoc 3 april 1998 The Municipal elections are behind us and the extreme right has passed through the mincer. Only two seats were won there: One by the CD in Schiedam and one by Dutch Block in Utrecht. There are also some local political parties with right-wing sympathies, but for now the battle seems to be over and… Read more
Wim Elsthout, the Crown Prince of Janmaat, has been running for quite a while in the CD. Occasionally he featured in the 'flashy’ verkiezingsspotjes en in december 1997 he is the third member of each CD after Cor Zonneveld deceased. Behind the scenes, he is very active for the CD. He sits… Read more
After the local elections of March municipal anti-fascists took a sigh of relief. Here and there, there was even a pronounced jubilant: Extreme right won two seats at 88 in 1984. Utrecht remains Wim Vreeswijk keep behalf Dutch Block seat on the city council and in Schiedam Ad Beerhouses returns for a second term of office back. Were further… Read more
Marcel Rüter is undoubtedly one of the most prominent people in extreme right in the Netherlands. The stranger so that no one has ever heard of him or has any idea how he looks. This has to do with the other side of Rüter. In addition to his political activities, he also has a successful social career,… Read more
Young beggars in Al 1983 the then Centre Party (CP) a youth movement called Young Centre Democrats, with, inter alia, a section in Rotterdam. This is probably the same as the Young beggars who are active at that time as a youth organization of the CP. CD The current youth Young Centre Democrats or CD youngsters come in handy in 1992… Read more
Tibor Rudolf Mudde was on 23 februari 1965 born in Amsterdam. He has long been one of the most important figures within the extreme right in the Netherlands. As a teenager, he becomes involved in the extreme right circuit and he is a member of the Dutch People's Union. In 1985 he is on the mailing list of the Consortium of the Tree of Life… Read more
The best minds in the Netherlands will talk about developments in their field this summer. This week Cas Mudde (54). He has been studying the radical right all his working life. “We started talking as if the radical right were the people.”
Young men logging into the Nazi Stormfront quickly transform from insecure types to armored fascists. They don't just do that in an online world that is geared to radicalisation. The AIVD and the NCTV warn against the risk of violence.
The international character of the corona pandemic offers the extreme right in Europe an opportunity to grow. The Netherlands seems to have gotten away with it. ,,We are not Poland or Germany. ""
While Black Lives Matter puts the topic of racism back on the map worldwide, will be Kerwin Lucas tomorrow in Amsterdam (Duinmeijer) commemorated. The Antillean teenager became 37 stabbed to death by a skinhead years ago. He is the first victim of racial violence in the Netherlands after the Second World War.
where radical- and right-wing activists found themselves twenty years in social isolation, that anno 2020 no longer the case, writes Nikki Sterkenburg, which promotes this topic. With a new look and customized message, get their views even parliament. "We've just gotten right."
The debate about racism in the Dutch football stadiums is completely back. In the nineties it is even more grim: the extreme right tries to infiltrate football. Stanley Menzo even receives a letter not only insulting him, but also threatened.
Op 18 march in Amsterdam will be a demonstration against the rise of far-right parties in the Dutch local elections. In late January sent the Forum for Democracy tweet, they left parties accused to the debate out of the way and to conclude a far-left alliance sample including anti-fascists (Antifa).1 After a public debate of a few days decided to pull various parties withdrew from the initiative.
However, it was the Animal party who took the first decision. The Amsterdam party leader Johnas Lambs tweeted that the PvdD against racism, but will not protest against legitimate democratic parties.2
Wim Kleen, the leader of Jesus Survived Rotterdam, was attached to the Center Democrats in the nineties (CD) Hans Janmaat, reports the leftist anti-fascist research organization Kafka. The CD was then to book as racist, but now the statements of the PVV go far beyond those of Janmaat location.
Want Schuurman, the widow of the far-right politician Hans Janmaat, believes that Geert Wilders has gone too far with his "less Marokkanen' rulings.
The demonstration against the arrival of asylum seekers in Utrecht Saturday afternoon at Lucas Bolwerk quietly expired. Pegida frontman Edwin Wagensveld prematurely left the meeting, when Constant Kusters (NVU) spoke up. A group of left-wing counter-demonstrators chanted slogans. No arrests were made.
How to build a new party from? Whether to the LPF Fortuyn, PVV of Wilders or Proud Netherlands Verdonk, in all cases, there were significant numbers of people needed to fill positions. Not only the candidates for the House, but other candidates' lists were to be filled in the province or municipality.
Voorpost organizes a spring walk in Kedichem to commemorate the events of thirty years ago. When antifascists disrupted a meeting of the CD en CP. By a smoke bomb took the hotel when accidental flame and got some people injured. Voorpost commemorates this every five years. In nearby Leerdam they eat a snack. There are twelve members Voorpost present and it is organized by Robert Schaap.
the one-man party goes from today LEF Nissewaard from Spijkenisse in the City Council continue under the banner of Forza!. They call themselves “Strength! Nissewaard”. The only councilor is Mia Sliwinski and in the support group is including Marcel Spanjersberg, who has a history with far-right parties such as the CD in CP'86.
The extreme right-wing journalist Joost Niemöller from Amsterdam a book launch in Wassenaar for the book that he Hans Janmaat of the CD en CP has written. As a veteran of the CP-is time Henry Brookman hereby present as speaker.
This thesis concerns the international contacts of the Centrumdemocraten and how the leader of the radical right party influenced the international contacts. I thought of the topic due to my interest in political leadership and the radical right. I had read a lot about the international contacts of the current day radical right and was wondering if the radical right formed a transnational network in the past. This precise topic was not one I had looked into during my bachelor’s and master’s degree. I did study a wide breadth of topics. This included courses on neoliberalism, energy transitions, in and out groups in societies, formations of states and political leadership. However political leadership and the radical right have been the most interesting topics to me.
The NCTV published over the right-wing extremist violence threat since the first appearance of the Terrorist Threat Assessment Netherlands (DTN) in 2005. It is widely considered
threat to all developments which could potentially lead to terrorist violence. The history, but also the actuality, showed that terrorist violence is not confined to
jihadisme. In the National Counterterrorism Strategy 2016-2020 states that right-wing extremism, the attention of the NCTV.1 The right-wing extremism nevertheless became the
imaging is often obscured by the Jihadism. This is largely understandable because the jihadist threat of violence, in any case in the Netherlands, the last decade
determining factor has been the threat of terrorism.
The NCTV also published for this reason in recent years, several studies phenomenon in terms of Jihadism (For example, "Minors at ISIS 'from 2017). New domestic and international events and developments in the field of right-wing extremism and right-terrorism cause the phenomenon has gained in recent years of relevance to the threat.
Results of research show repeatedly seen in many variations and tonalities that Islam and Muslims in the Netherlands but difficult to accept. This is partly reflected in the results of research into experiences of discrimination of Turkish-Dutch and Moroccan-Dutch youth and the results of research on the degree of acceptance of Muslims. Many young people of Turkish or Moroccan feel they belong to the Dutch society. They feel excluded and rejected. They are not seen as individuals, but as Turks, Moroccans or Muslims i.e.. as a different set of. They feel differently treated
many areas of daily life. They feel, distorted in the press. Many young men have to deal with ethnic profiling by police. They call the unfavorable climate towards ethnic minorities as the main reason why they still identify with their community of origin and their faith. giving Taken together, the results of the study in which this emerges a clear indication that a thread experiences of discrimination make in the lives of these young people. One such discrimination is Islamophobia. Islamophobia manifests itself in various fields and in many sectors of society, in downright violent practices and ordinary interpersonal communication.
Before you is the first update of the 'fact sheet far right Dutch municipalities', in which a current picture sketched by the extreme right-wing organizations active in the Netherlands. This fact sheet should provide insight into the extent, Geographically, significance and moved- ment in violent incidents of various right-wing extremist organizations in the Netherlands. The composition of the list of organizations and the presented facts about these organizations verza- mentioned in the context of the Monitor Project Racisme, Anti-Semitism and extreme right violence in the Netherlands . The choice to take certain organizations do and not to follow the defnition and demarcation applicable within that project. This fact sheet is Social Stability commissioned by the Expertise Unit (ESS) written by the Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment. about appliances- responsibility for the content lies with the author.
This research report focuses on risk and protection related to discriminatory incidents at mosques. From the book "Islamophobia and Discriminatie'1 already revealed that the broader picture of growing Islamophobia in the Netherlands merged with the incidence of violence and incidents at mosques. The number of registered cases showed a continuity of periods when it peaked, depending on the circumstances. This was the case after the attacks on the WTC in New York 11 september 2001 and after the murder of van Gogh in November 2004. In 2014 were asked first mosques themselves about their experiences in this gebied.2 Combined with data from other sources we Although this did not complete but a plausible picture of discriminatory aggression and violence against mosques in Netherlands. This picture is summarized as follows. Of the estimated 475 Mosques in the Netherlands over a third (39 %) to make in the past ten years, had with one or often more occurrences of discriminatory aggression and violence. Destruction, with discriminatory graffiti slogans, (attempts at) arson, threatening letters and hanging a pig's head are among the most common incidents. Some of these mosques made such incidents
at least annually or even more often,. 30% of the mosques has experienced no incidents of discriminatory aggression and violence. From 29% of the mosques is not known whether they have had these experiences.
Politiek in de marge
The European financial and—partly stemming from this—fiscal crisis is the most severe economic crisis to have occurred since the 1920s. As with every crisis of such dimensions, it has created insecurity and doubt about the existing political systems and institutional arrangements. These concerns are being exploited by nationalistic parties and the virulent media, and are solely focused on the national political arena. National selfinterest and prejudices against European neighbours and fellow European citizens are increasing: southern Europeans are portrayed as averse to work and unwilling to reform, northern Europeans as lacking solidarity. Abusive comparisons with Fascism have even been made.
The boost to populist parties and the receptivity of the public to their messages have been facilitated by the current crisis. The magnitude of the electoral gains that populist parties have been able to acquire due to their anti-European slogans and programmes is surprising and worrying. They succeed by delivering apparently straightforward solutions, which are often derived from national interest, to what are actually complex political problems—solutions that have persuasive power amongst a broad audience. This kind of nationalist and anti-European rhetoric endangers not only economic prosperity, but also democracy.
The subjects racism, wing extremist violence, anti-Semitism and discrimination are widely discussed topics in Netherlands. Not for nothing concerning equal treatment and equal Article 1 of our Constitution. This shows how important this issue for our society. A recurring question in the social and political discussions: how often is violating the prohibition of discrimination? This monitor this question quantitatively worked for years 2010 en 2011. The content is based on a new method of data collection by the police, Those comparisons with other data sources makes it possible.
This report was commissioned by the Anne Frank Foundation. Reading is how often the subjects in police records, with the number of reports, suspects and the nature of the incident. Also shown are regional differences in the Netherlands and you can read how matters are handled by the Public Prosecutor.
Lees verder in de rapportage
Issues of immigration and the integration of foreigners have become topics of heated debate in the public and political arena in modern European democracies. According to Koopmans and colleagues (2005: 3) ‘immigration and ethnic relations (…) constitute since the early 1990s the most prominent and controversial fields of political contention in West European polities’. Parallel to this development, support for anti-immigration parties has increased in several Western European countries. Examples are the French National Front, the Austrian Freedom Party and the Flemish Bloc (since 2004 Flemish Interest) in Belgium. The Netherlands is an interesting case in the European context, because the right-wing populist challenge was rather ‘slow in coming’ (Kriesi et al. 2006: 163). A significant electoral performance of the far-right did not take place until 2002 and it had also failed to make any significant impact on the public debate until relatively recently. The Netherlands was therefore for long considered a ‘deviant case’ (Rydgren and Van Holsteyn 2004), just like for example Sweden, as the country met most conditions that according to established theories explain the emergence of far-right parties elsewhere, but these parties still remained relatively unsuccessful.
The tragic attacks in Norway on 22 July 2011
drew Europe’s gaze to the potential dangers of
the radical right’s growing presence across the
continent, and the increasing legitimisation of
anti-immigration and anti-Islam discourses
within mainstream European politics.
Considered alongside other recent violence in
Germany and Italy, the attacks challenged the
idea that extremism from the right is only a
minor security threat. The pan-European
successes of radical right parties, pervasive harsh
language and violence towards immigrants and
growing transnational networks of right-wing
extremists indicate the increasing need for fresh
analysis and innovative responses on these
issues. There remains, however, a blurred
relationship between violence from the extreme
right and broader trends of Islamophobia and
radical right politics.
The investigation into the extreme
right-wing movement and right-wing
extremist movement in the Netherlands is
the longest running investigation by the
AIVD and its predecessors. In this publication
the AIVD presents the current state of
affairs in the Netherlands based on the
results of that investigation.
The AIVD investigation shows that the
threat of right-wing extremism and the
extreme right to the democratic legal order
in the Netherlands is minimal. The
movement is characterised by a small
following, mutual disagreement and
personal animosity, ideologically different
views and organisational fragmentation.
Nonetheless, the threat attributed to
right-wing extremism and the extreme right
is often much more significant. A gap exists
between the actual threat and the perceived
threat.
Read more in the publication
Imagine a pamphlet announcing that the “Muslim Fifth Column is taking over Europe. We will soon be living in Eurabia under sharia law.” Or imagine a pamphlet saying that the “world conspiracy of Jews, this dirty vermin that keeps on returning to pollute our societies, has taken control of the banks and industry again.” In the Netherlands, both pamphlets would provoke public outcry against the authors, since the year is 1989 and we have just stepped out of our time machine to witness the ensuing protest marches and the imminent arrest of the neo-Nazis who distributed these pamphlets. Those were the good old days when the extreme right was small, when mainstream racism and anti-Semitism did not openly exist, and any word or sign of discrimination was immediately attacked by anti-racists, anti-fascist groups and all loyal democrats. In those days, support for the rights of economic immigrants, or guest workers, as they were called back then, was the norm and not the exception. In Western Europe everybody on the left side of the political spectrum had faith in a future of equality and freedom from discrimination, while those on the right who kept silent were branded as racists, or at least apologists. During the 1980s, anti-racist and anti-fascist groups built up considerable popular support, to the extent that anti-racism in the Netherlands became the norm and any dissenting voice was immediately labelled racist or fascist.
This article presents an agency-based approach to the success of radical right-wing populist parties. It posits that radical right parties will only experience sustained electoral success when they are built prior to their electoral breakthrough and when they institutionalise rapidly. The process of institutionalisation will progress more quickly when radical right parties have a leader with strong internal leadership qualities and when sufficient attention is paid to the recruitment, training and socialisation of candidates. The argument is illustrated through a comparison between two Dutch radical right parties: the Lijst Pim Fortuyn (LPF) and the Partij Voor de Vrijheid (PVV). The two cases offer a compelling example of learning effects in politics: Geert Wilders (PVV) observed the collapse of the LPF and has avoided making the same mistakes.
Until a few years ago, little was known about radicalization in the municipality
Rotterdam. In 2005 Joining the program starts or Get Left Behind; Rotterdam
action against radicalization (paying special attention has shifted
on Islamic radicalization). Simultaneously start a central information: Switching the Information Radicalization (ISPR)1. This information point will - in addition to the police
also information and intelligence on extremism and radicalization in the region gathers
- signs of radicalization and extremism together from municipal services,
parishes, affiliated with the government institutions and front line workers.
is extremely right for the municipalities within the Rotterdam-Rijnmond region not
a new phenomenon. The ISPR brings an annual report with a date
picture of the nature and extent of radicalization, including the extreme right.
The research on the extreme right and extreme right in the Netherlands is the longest-running investigation of the AIVD and its predecessors. In this publication, the AIVD presents the current state of affairs in the Netherlands based on the results of that investigation.
The AIVD's investigation shows that the threat of the extreme right and extreme right
against the democratic system in the Netherlands is small. The movement is characterized by a small support base, disagreement and personal animosity, ideological
divergences and organizational fragmentation. Nevertheless, the threat
is attributed to the extreme right and extreme right often much greater. Is
there is a difference between the actual and the perceived threat.
This publication describes the actual threat of the extreme right and extreme right
in Nederland, and the threats related activities, which may be revealed by research conducted by the AIVD. It is one of the resources that the AIVD to society,
inform politics and government so that they can achieve a response to the threat that does justice to the nature, seriousness and extent.
Read more in the publication
The problem of racist and extremist manifestations among young people has about 2004 and especially after the murder of Theo van Gogh - 2 november 2004 - Boomed. Ook in 2005 have called 'Lonsdale youth' almost daily in the media interest gestaan.1 Often the attention was given to interethnic confrontaties.2 This form of violence in the period 2002 tot 2006 increased steadily and this was due largely to the rising phenomenon of 'Lonsdale youth'. has tried various sides to the issue of extreme right
youth cope.
Since the second half of the nineties, the Internet develops at a rapid pace. For anyone who wants it is possible to be connected to the world wide web. Rapid technological advances since its inception in 1997 also affect (been) on the work of the Internet Discrimination Hotline (MDI). In the early years the MDI received only a few reports, recent years that number was well above the thousand. From these reports over the years, a number of trends observed. One is a rapid increase in the number of reports of discrimination on interactive Internet, such as discussion forums
and interactive blogs. A second trend is the high number of criminal Without prejudice expressions on extreme right websites. This finding is supported by a recent report by the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance of the Council of Europe (ECRI), which shows that in the Netherlands the main growth of right-wing extremism, especially among young people, place in non-political movements that informal, primarily through digital means of communication, organized. These data have to do MDI prompted research into the extent and nature of the extreme right on the Dutch part of the Internet, with a focus on the discriminatory content on these websites.
Read more in the publication
Assure full color Alert! Kafka and see what symbolism is used in clothing and on by right-wing extremist youth in the Netherlands and through which words and combinations of those numbers to the outside world and communicate each other that they hold racist views on after. Even if the background history of skinheads in Netherlands, the rise of cronies and more. A must for anyone professionally or voluntarily working with these young people. De brochure is april 2008 in a revised edition published.
Radical right-wing populist parties have incessantly increased their presence in Western Europe since the early-1980s. The number of countries in which radical right-wing populist parties compete in elections has grown, as has the number of countries where these parties manage to pass the electoral threshold and enter parliament. In addition to well-known radical right-wing populist parties like the French National Front (Front National, or FN) or the Austrian Freedom Party (Freedom Party of Austria, or FPÖ), the rise of a multitude of lesser known radical right-wing populist parties like the Danish People’s Party (Danish People's Party, or DF), the List Pim Fortuyn (Pim Fortuyn List, or LPF), or New Democracy (New Democracy, ND) has characterized West European politics since the late-1980s. More importantly, the electoral success of these parties has grown exponentially.
Fortuyn's famous slogan "I say what I think" has not in recent years
only gained widespread imitation, but also led to fierce discussions
about the limits of freedom of expression. Begin 2006, during
global outcry over the Danish Mohammed cartoons', pleaded vvd-
MP Ayaan Hirsi Ali for "the right to beledigen'.1 A Danish
prints was an image of the Prophet Mohammed with a turban in
the shape of a bomb with lit fuse. This cartoon was shown 2008
a starring role in the film Wilders, Fitna, which already has also led to
heated discussions about the limits of freedom of expression. Now That
which borders have shifted and that more can be said than before
seems clear. A striking example is the uproar over the
police raid in May 2008 a Dutch cartoonist 'Gregory
Shot in the neck "which for years has been criticized Islam. The Arrest
the cartoonist, who was suspected of the prohibitions on discrimination
to have violated, aroused great public and political outrage.
Cartoons should be able to, as was widely argued, regardless of
their content. The question of where the limits of free expression than
it should be, remained in the background. However, in discussions
in recent years increasingly argued that the border should
be drawn at inciting violence.
But, as others say, without inciting violence large
harm be done, because the expanded freedoms of expression
influence on the occurrence of intolerance and discrimination. As argument
for this position are indications for a relatively high level
Islamophobia cited in Netherlands. From a survey showed
that more than half of the Dutch, non-Muslim school age
fourteen- to sixteen year olds are negative relative
of moslims.2 As one of the causes is negative image
genoemd: "Negative stereotypes of Muslims and negative clichés
of islam, negative messages from parents and best friend
about Muslims and Islam, and the belief that Muslims are a threat
types for security an important effect on the attitude '.
Read more in the monitor
Our primary aim is to extend and revise SRG’s findings on the association between politics and anti-foreigner sentiment. While their research suggests that the prevalence of ERP support is associated with higher anti-foreign er sentiment, our research shows that this is only the case for those ERPs that promote cultural racism. The more prevalent cultural racism, the more these parties and the ideologies they espouse become part of the normal political landscape (Van Der Brug and Fennema 2003).
The extraordinary and highly consequential electoral successes of radical right parties in Western Europe in the last couple of decades are well documented. The evidence on how these parties’ successes are associated with their anti-immigrant appeals invites the conclusion that such appeals are an easy way to electoral success for minor parties willing to exploit this issue. This paper argues that this is not so, since it is nearly impossible for minor parties to make credible appeals to voters on the immigration issue unless they have reputational shields—a legacy that can be used to fend off accusations of racism and extremism. Not many minor parties deciding to run on the anti-immigrant ticket, it turns out, have such reputational shields. This paper presents newly collected evidence to show that six out of seven anti-immigrant parties failed to achieve sustained electoral success in a period when Europe was in an immigration crisis.
This paper seeks to explain the variation in the success of radical right political parties across ten European political systems over the last several decades. I argue that such parties succeed over the long term only when they both 1) build on pre-existing nationalist organizations and networks and 2) face a permissive rather than repressive political environment. These hypotheses are tested on the cases of Denmark, France, Italy and Sweden. By adding factors such as historical legacies, party organization, and interactions between mainstream parties and far right challengers to the study of radical right parties, we can better understand their divergent trajectories. Ideas about the legitimacy of the radical right also influence the reaction of mainstream challengers to them, and represent a promising topic for future research.
The Netherlands has a number of extreme right-wing parties. Are the most famous: of
Centrumdemocraten(CD), New Right (NR), New Alliance (NA) and the Dutch People's Union(NVU).
In some places, they participate in the local elections in March 2006: Almelo (NR), Apeldoorn (NVU), Arnhem (CD and NCE), Eindhoven (NR), Nijmegen (NVU), Oss (NVU), Ridderkerk (NA NR), Rotterdam (NA NR) and Venray (NVU). Only New Right achieves a seat, nl. Ridderkerk. Antisemitism is mostly within the NCE and the New Alliance integral part of the ideology. See also Internet.
Read more in overview
The Monitoring racism and the extreme right seeks various forms of racism, extreme right and discrimination - as well as response to these phenomena - to monitor and issue periodic reports. The initiative for this project is mid-nineties adopted by the Leiden University.
Since the fourth report, the monitoring project is run jointly by Leiden University and the Anne Frank Foundation. The usefulness of periodic monitoring report is diverse. It is based on a fixed yardstick 'the balance of the principal manifestations and incidents of racial discrimination, racism and right-wing extremism, and the development of strategies to combat. The reports are politicians, directors and representatives of civil society put in a position to reflect on the problems and come to solving strategies. The reports can contribute by their systematic and periodic character of accumulation of knowledge and understanding. It will also provide insight into developments that occur in the longer term. That applies not only to the recent period but also for the future. The monitor can also contribute to early identification of relevant, new developments. Finally, the report could be helpful in answering the numerous practical questions on this subject from
within- or abroad are made.
Read more in the monitor
3.1 Extreme right
Extreme right in the Netherlands carries out anti-democratic attitudes and opposes the influx and integration of immigrants into Dutch society. At the moment, extreme right in the Netherlands is unable to be considered the continued existence of the democratic legal to threaten seriously. Remain extreme right actions harmful to inter-ethnic relations within the Dutch society. This section discusses the various extreme right-wing movements addressed and discusses the links between extreme right and the LPF / Liveable Flow.
3.1.1 Currents
The AIVD distinguishes roughly three streams within the extreme right. First, there are the representatives of the so-called civil extreme right '. They honor xenophobic and ultranationalist views, but have conformed to democratic mores, partly forced by the courts and public opinion. The neo-Nazi organizations are a second form. They argue openly anti-democratic and racist and are also likely to achieve their goals by illegal means. Thirdly, there are unorganized groups of individuals and subcultures, which in many different ways and may or may not politically motivated, engaged in the propagation of an extreme right-wing or racist message. The latter could include the commission of racist violence, extreme right-wing statements on the Internet or distributing sound recordings discriminatory or racist texts.
Read more in the annual report
The question as to why extreme right-wing parties have become so popular in some countries of the European Union, whereas in other countries these parties have only enjoyed modest success or even none at all, has often been raised. In the late 1990s, this question grew in significance as differences between Western European countries as to the level of support for extreme right-wing parties have become larger.
In the fifth reporting Monitoring racism and the extreme right are the years 2001 and - where possible - 2002 central. The attacks on the United States 11 september 2001 and the murder of Pim Fortuyn 6 May 2002 have had a significant impact on the overall picture of this reporting period. Both events have left deep marks on the interethnic relations in the Netherlands. These traces can be found in the fifth reporting. It is questions like: increases or decreases the number of racist violence in Netherlands? Which right-wing political parties have disappeared and which come in its place? The number of discrimination cases that reaches the public prosecutor or decreases? And what be provided there for business and to what extent that lead to convictions? The initiative for the project Monitoring racism and the extreme right is the mid-nineties taken by the Leiden University. The monitoring project is now jointly conducted by Leiden University and the Anne Frank. This report was made possible with support from the Management Integration and Coordination Minorities of the Ministry of Justice.
Read more in the monitor
Every year brings the Anne Frank Foundation and Leiden University Monitor
Racism and Extreme Right off. The fourth report – Jaap van Donselaar
en Peter Rodrigues – appeared at the end 2001. These are all forms of
racism, not only anti-Semitism. The researchers note an "increase
the number of violent incidents and the increase also applies in comparison
with previous years. The average over the last five years more than 300,
while the five-year average in the previous monitoring report still below 250
lag’. The report counts over the years 1999 en 2000 a total number of incidents
respectively 345 en 406. They also suggest a hardening fixed: "Remarkable in
years 1999 en 2000 the trend is to a certain degree of hardening of the
violence, that is to say: in comparison with previous years, we see
multiple targeted violence. Anti-Semitic violence takes on meaning
to…The far-right perpetrators is more forward than in the
previous period, all the numerically involves a relatively small part of
the whole…..Many incidents in the years 1999 en 2000 hold in any way
relation to asylum. Not only AZCs are often targeted by
violence, but also individual asylum seekers'.
Read more in the Annual Review
2.1 Extreme right
Wing extremist groups often carry an undemocratic ideology and committed xenophobic or even racist manner against the presence of foreigners in Netherlands. The extreme right-wing political organizations and movements in the Netherlands are closely divided and sometimes hold very different ideologies after.
Yet roughly to make a distinction between two extreme right direction. First, there is the so-called civil extreme right ', whose representatives preach ultra-nationalist and xenophobic ideas. Of a different order are the more radical 'neo-Nazi' groups, which unadulterated anti-democratic and racist attitudes honor.
The civil extreme right-wing parties and organizations have this year managed to recover from the blows electoral and organizational malaise which they had to face the previous years. Although not officially confirmed, Block consists Dutch (NB) since the loss of the only seat in the Utrecht city council 1998 not anymore. Also, former political leader of the Centre Democrats Janmaat (CD) several times publicly stated that he sees little future more in a return to politics. Since the CD has barely framework, The CD seems finally on the wane.
Read more in the annual report
The case studies show that only few parties meet the criteria of the aristotelian definition of political extremism, in the German Federal Republic and the Netherlands at the turn of the century. Socio-economic and cultural extremism seem slightly more common. According to our definition, political extremists strive for a more purely aristocratic, monarchic or democratic regime. As democracy has been sanctified in two world wars, nowadays hardly any party dares to attack it openly.
Is there in our country evidence of increasing or decreasing racial violence? How is it with the tolerance in the Netherlands? Has the local policy against discrimination catering success or keep the number of complaints? To answer these questions it is important that research is conducted to periodically monitor the manifestations of racial discrimination and extreme right. This interest is mid-nineties recognized by the University of Leiden and there is the project Monitoring racism and the extreme right developed. Currently the project is implemented by the Leiden University in cooperation with the Anne Frank Foundation and with support from the Ministry of the Interior and Kingdom Relations. Research Monitor is an internationally recognized tool for the detection of racism and discrimination, and developing policies against. In 1999 was in Vienna the European Monitoring Centre on Racism
Xenophobia and start. The Vienna Observatory seeks to follow developments in the European Union and analyzed using national monitoring centers. The project Monitoring racism and the extreme right is an important source for the supply of data to the European Monitoring Centre. In the European Directive 29 juni 2000 equal treatment of persons on the grounds of racial or ethnic origin is also included a monitor provision: after the conclusion of the national regulatory (physical appearance) 2003 shall, with effect from 2005 every five years report to be done on the effectiveness of those national measures.
Read more in the monitor
The map of the extreme right in the Netherlands compared to 1999 not much
change. The world of the far right is divided into political parties,
organizations and groups.
Parties are the Centre Democrats, de Nieuwe Nationale Partij (NNP) and
Nederlands Blok. The NNP is the most active and trying to "clean’ slogans
accretion to find. The NNP arose when after the schism within CP'86
extreme right threatened to fall apart.
For organizations Post and the National Platform for Action Nationalist
Students (LANS). In Outpost mainly ex-members of CP'86, as Marcel
Routes, Tim Mudde, Marc by Marc de Boer Hoogstra, active. CP'86 was in 1998
forbidden.
Neo-Nazi groups are the Action Front National Socialists (ANS), of
Fundamentalist Workers Party (FAP) and the Dutch People's Union (NVU,
National Offensive and the new offshoot: the Stormfront. The
National Offensive otherwise hardly exists. The most famous neo
in the Netherlands is still Constant Kusters.
Read more in the Annual Review
2.1 Extreme right
In the Netherlands, one can distinguish two extreme right-wing phenomena. First, there is the so-called civil extreme right ', whose representatives preach ultra-nationalist and at least xenophobic ideas.
Of a different order are the more radical 'neo-Nazi' groups, which unadulterated anti-democratic and racist attitudes honor. Between both directions, moreover, is sometimes a degree of cross-fertilization.
Extreme right-wing groups of the first category have not had a chance last year to return to the political scene. The mid-term elections in Utrecht Dutch Blok lost its only seat, causing extreme right lost the last representative of an elected body. The various parties have, however, already go warm up in the last year
for the municipal- and parliamentary elections 2002 and try to present their ideas more. From Centrumdemocraten (CD) they mainly sought to gain influence at local level. Here they played in local dissatisfaction with government policies biased by sending letters to random citizens.
Read more in the annual report
With extreme right parties in government in Austria and Italy, and Jean-Marie Le Pen contesting the run-off in the 2002 presidential elections in France, few people will dispute their continuing relevance in the politics of Western Europe. Indeed, ever since the first small electoral successes of parties like the Centrumpartij in the Netherlands or the Front National in France in the early 1980s, the extreme right has been the most discussed group of parties both in and outside of the scholarly community. Thousands of newspaper articles and hundreds of pieces of scholarly work have been devoted to extreme right parties, predominantly describing their history, leaders or electoral successes, as well as proclaiming their danger. Remarkably little serious attention has been devoted to their ideology, however. This aspect of the extreme right has been considered to be known to everyone. The few scholars that did devote attention to the ideology of the contemporary extreme right parties have primarily been concerned with pointing out similarities with the fascist and National Socialist ideologies of the pre-war period. If the similarities were not found, this was often taken as ‘proof ’ that the extreme right hides its (true) ideologies, rather than as a motivation to look in a different direction.
The Extreme Right has always been weak and fragmented in the Netherlands. It lacked an
ideological tradition as well as a solid social base. A landowning aristocracy no longer played
a significant role in Dutch politics in the nineteenth century – power had shifted to a patrician
bourgeoisie already in the Dutch Republic (1588-1795). Moreover, the Dutch did not have to
deal with a national question that could have given rise to a nationalist movement with
extremist tendencies. It is true, reactionary anti-democratic forces did emerge in the late
nineteenth century, but they were divided between Liberal, Catholic and Calvinist parties.
Only has survived until today, the Reformed State Party (Reformed Political Party ,
SGP). This party has come to accept democracy in practice, but not in theory. It would like to
replace universal suffrage by ‘organic suffrage’, I.E. give the right to vote only to (male)
heads of households.3 However, it is not a nationalist, racist or xenophobic party.4 Since 1925
it has occupied two or three seats in parliament.
In this article we address the question whether or not the votes for anti-immigrant parties can be considered as protest votes. We define protest votes by the motives underlying electoral choices, building on earlier research done by Tillie (1995) and Van der Eijk & Franklin (1996). That research showed that ideological proximity and party size are the best predictors of party preference. On this basis we designed a typology of motives for party choice and how these motives would manifest themselves empirically. Analyzing the 1994 elections for the European Parliament for seven political systems we show that anti-immigrant parties attract no more protest votes than other parties do, with only one exception: the Dutch Centrumdemocraten.
How intolerant towards native Dutch immigrants? Almost
25 year assesses the Social and Cultural Planning Office (SCP) public opinion on
immigrants and publishes regularly about. In the late eighties, early
ninety we see a slight hardening of the climate of opinion, but according to the
SCP there are generally few changes. Just About 80% of the
population thinks that natives and immigrants should have equal treatment
have at distribution issues, such as housing and employment.
Just About 13% of the indigenous population rejects
immigrants. Just About 50% of the indigenous population is against immigration
opposed.
Regarding this last NIPO found in 1998 a different outcome:1 not
half, but three-quarters of the native Dutch against further
Immigration opposed. There is - according to the NIPO - a growing support for
immigration restrictions while confidence in integration and
adjustment of immigrants decreases. NIPO found this trend going on
Polls in the years 1993, 1995 en 1998.
Eind 1999 showed another NIPO survey, one third of the Dutch
opposes the granting of asylum to political or economic
vluchtelingen.2 thirds of the Dutch have supported policies
government for political refugees who fear for their own country
their lives to give asylum. About half of the respondents felt that
seekers give nuisance. Further thought about forty percent that asylum seekers
on average, are more criminal than Dutch.
Read more in the monitor
Extreme right was in the elections 1998 almost completely wiped out.
After the local extreme right shows yet 2 of the 88 seats
having maintained: 1 for the CD in Rotterdam Schiedam and 1 for the
Dutch Block in Utrecht. In the parliamentary elections of May lose
only representative of the extreme right, the Centre Democrats are three
seats. This does not mean that all known far-right organizations
overview of 1998 still exist and – some more than others – active
zijn, except CP'86 in November 1998 was banned.
Dr. J. Donselaar goes into its third monitoring report published this month
elaborate on the map of the extreme right in the Netherlands. Far-right
parties are the Centre Democrats, de Nieuwe Nationale Partij (NNP) and
Nederlands Blok, De CD nam in 1999 the European elections with
a combined list: CD / Conservative Democrats. Conservative
Democrats was an attempt by CD leader Janmaat to a new name
CD again to revive. The NNP is trying to "clean’ extreme right
slogans the extreme right framework to unite among themselves. The NNP
then arose after the schism within CP'86 extreme right threatened to set
to fall.
Read more in the Annual Review
2.1 Extreme right
The far right has been able to not revenge for the big election defeats 1998. In the elections for the Provincial Council in March did the Centre Democrats (CD) participate in South Holland and North Holland, while participating in Utrecht Dutch Block. For both parties had no seat reserved. The CD incidentally sought, as well as a new right-wing splinter group, de Nieuwe Nationale Partij (NNP), yarn spinning with the events in the Frisian Kollum (the murder of a young resident of Kollum and its aftermath). Due to agitate against the Dutch asylum policy would spread both CD and NNP their ideas, in which they tried in Kollum play on the local resistance among the population against the establishment of an asylum center.
De Nederlandse Volksunie (NVU) violated more international out. It has in 1999 regularly participated in demonstrations and gatherings of sympathizers in Belgium and Germany. German neo-Nazis in turn were a guest at a march of NCE in Valkenburg, where the death of Rudolf Hess was commemorated.
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The Dutch National Security Service (BVD) finds in his
Annual Report July that extreme right-wing organizations in the Netherlands in meaning
decrease. The loss of the extreme right-wing parties in the municipal- en
Parliamentary elections in March and May are an expression of. There are in
Netherlands more than fifty organized neo-Nazis. In recent years, were
that more than one hundred.
The far-right parties in the municipal elections of March 1998
lose virtually all of their seats. In Rotterdam-Schiedam preserve Center
Democrats (CD) 1 seat and one seat in Utrecht goes to Dutch Block.
The extreme right had 88 seats: 78 for the CD, 9 and for CP'86 1 for the
Nederlands Blok.
In the parliamentary elections of May 1998 lose their extreme right
main representation, nl. the three seats the
Centrumdemocraten.
In the Leiden University does Jaap van Donselaar investigating extreme right.
He cites several reasons for the loss of the extreme right.
Important is the changed electoral law. For the first time, each party 570
signatures required scattered throughout the country to join in all constituencies
to be able to do.
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Once thought to represent a set of cleavages established in the 1920s, West
European party systems recently have undergone important changes.’ Beginning in
the 1970s, left-libertariane cological parties captureds mall but significant shares of
the vote in many countries and helped to define a new dimension of conflict in many
party systems. More recently, far right-wing parties have gained dramatically, taking
votes from established parties and pressing their issues onto political agendas.
Today the most successful of these parties are the Front National in France and the
Freedom Party in Austria, but Denmark, Norway, Italy, Belgium, Germany, and
Sweden have also seen important challenges by far-right parties. Despite important
differences among them, these parties’ positions put them on what is commonly
understood as the far right of the political spectrum. Much more than established
parties, they favor law and order, tax cuts, and limits on immigration and oppose
policies favored by social democratic parties (social equality, economic regulation)
and by left-libertarian and ecological parties (a multicultural society, women’s
equality, environmental protection).
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This is the second report of the project Monitoring racism and the extreme right, that was commissioned by the Ministry of the Interior and Kingdom Relations. The monitoring project has two main objectives:
1. monitor racism and the extreme right: the observation of these phenomena in the Netherlands, as well as the government response to these phenomena; periodic reporting, in two ways:
(a) 'General report': a general reporting on the basis of a fixed pattern;
(b) a floor battle ': reporting to a special subject is exposed.
2. The periodicity of the project means that displays a general report in one year and the other a 'floor battle'. The first report of 1997 was a general, which involves a broad picture of the phenomena of racism and the extreme right in the Netherlands, as well as government responses. Also those of the coming year (1999) a general report will be. This present second report is devoted to a special’ subject matter: the relationship between the media and also racism and the extreme right.
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The far-right parties lose at the municipal
maart 1998 almost all their seats. Rotterdam reserves the CD 1 Headquarters and
Utrecht is one seat to Dutch Block. From Centrumdemocraten
Attractions 25 municipalities participate in municipal elections. In 1994 did
de CD in 45 municipalities, and then took 77 seats. These seats were not
all occupied; moreover lost in that period the CD also seats because members
switched to other parties or founded their own group.
Although the political power of the extreme right is negligible, do
several members of the parties in 1977 to speak. Still
it is mainly the foreigners who suffer. Occasionally there are
anti-Semitic statements made. Because extreme right Nazi ideology
wants to convey, A number of issues still included below.
Disturbing is the use of the Internet by far-right groups in
Abroad. In the Netherlands, racist remarks are indeed prohibited,
but as long as that in other countries is also the case, it is difficult to
foreign sites, which foreign racists offer their "stuff", op
act.
One of the people from this angle that does not mince words, is
Constant Kusters. CIDI put a number of criminal cases against him in motion.
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This is the first report of the project Monitoring racism and the extreme right that was commissioned by the Ministry of the Interior. Under 'racism’ are also understood: antisemitisme, rasvooroordeel, Xenophobia, xenophobia en rasdiscriminatie. The monitor works are not exclusively focused on racist, but also to combat these phenomena.
The project has two objectives:
1. Permanent monitoring of racism and anti-racism
2. periodic reporting on the key findings
The utility of periodic reporting has many. Annually took stock based on a fixed pattern of the main manifestations of racism and right-wing extremism, and the development of strategies to combat. The reports can contribute by their systematic and periodic character of accumulation of knowledge and insights. It provides insight into developments that occur in the longer term. This applies not only to the past period but also the future.
The monitor can contribute to early identification of relevant, new developments.
The overall research question is:
1. How are expressions of (racist) right-wing extremism (in Nederland) developed?
2. which patterns of response have been there?
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The main far-right parties are still in parliament
represented councils Centre Democrats (CD) in CP'86, die
only represented in municipal councils. After years of silence had this year
The Dutch People's Union (NVU) hear again from him. In a CP'86
rupture may result. The CD and CP'86 have considered merging some time.
Within CP'86 creating a schism. Throughout the year there are over
arrests of extreme right supporters because of disturbances,
violence, participating in banned demonstrations and theft. Thereunder
was also the assistant of the CD in the House, C. Rietveld. In
Rotterdam has been disagreement about the use of their CP'86
fractiekamer.
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2.1.1 Extreme right
The danger of a fundamental right violations in the Netherlands comes mainly from extreme-right corner, particularly in the form of verbal and physical anti-immigrant violence. The reaction of the extreme left side gives cause for concern.
The BVD pays attention to members of extreme-right political parties whose attack on our democratic legal, fearing in particular the free exercise of fundamental rights of citizens is. Also, the -geringe- several members of fascist organizations, whose Action Front National Socialists (ANS) is the most important exponent, can count on interest from BVD.
Ma startling profits seat of the Centre Democrats (CD) in the municipal elections in March 1994 followed a series of publications on criminal activities and acts of racial violence, allegedly committed by prominent party members. The frictions that partly as a result manifested in the CD, led to resignation, suspension and expulsion of dissident, mainly newly elected councilors. Dutch Block develops gradually become an attractive alternative especially disappointed and resentful (ex)CD councilors. Block plays a far from passive role.
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The author is a reporter for New Revue several months undercover’ worked at the party office of the Centre Democrats. This booklet, parts of which have been published in New Revue, provides an intriguing glimpse into the 'kitchen’ of the largest, right-wing extremist party. The author makes extensive account of his conversations with people from the top of the CD. He also describes the contacts between the CD and the radical 'skinheads’ and other criminals. The book makes clear that the party Janmaat although just operates within the limits of the law, but that a large part of the framework there is extremely bizarre and objectionable ideas stops after. Strong point of the book is the atmosphere description, The report 'from within'. Where the author makes comments on the ideology or the history of fascism, he appears to have little knowledge about these topics.
Research into a conscript from Netherlands Youth Front corner.
“In addition, we can (and that they need not even know Yugo) already MID requests the antecedents of XXX (once more?) carefully check. If that is indeed clearly indicate that he would be re-ex, I'll G1 Crisis Staff Kl inform.
The text for MID as follows:
Because DSS signals were received that the vm. Yugoslavia ranking military and para placed at C-cie l(EN)VN Infbat, extreme right-wing tendencies would show I ask you to do check his medical history and the results do me forward with a recommendation on your part if the investigation has confirmed the signals. I will, if necessary, Gl crisis staff relevant information or. advise to proceed with repatriation.”
Met dank aan Stichting Argus en Buro Jansen & Janssen for the disclosure of such documents.
3.1.1 Extreme right
The number of expressions of disgust towards immigrants was late 1992 lower than in the first months of the year. In 1993 However, there was an increase, especially in the fourth quarter. It should be
noted that accurate figures are not available. Also can not always be unambiguously distinguish between incidents of xenophobia in the background plays a role, and other type where foreigners are involved.
Net als in 1992 these incidents were 1993 predominantly not politically inspired or organized, but they stoelden especially incoherent, strong individual certain motifs. Often acted
offenders under the influence of similar events elsewhere in the country or abroad and they seemed only to bad publicity. Although such motifs or drunkenness example the motivations behind bullying actions, the menacing effect which assumes the mostly not yet fully established alien is not any less.
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DISS descriptions of a conscript soldier from Rotterdam in Netherlands Youth Front corner. No.. 94.S04.
“Royal military police in Rotterdam, a telephone call received from the Regional Police Rijnmond, Great IJgselmonde office in Rotterdam. The contents related to their holdings of a conscript soldier, relation to a violation of article 26 WVW, During his frisking a pamphlet was found with the text “OWN PEOPLE FIRST – FOREIGNERS OUT – de en letters JFN (Youth Front Netherlands) CD (Centre Democrats) CP (Centre Party)”.
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The Dutch party system has always been fragmented and rich in variety. The
Extreme Right has suffered from fragmentation and pillarization, too. Though
it has gained some ground in recent years, it seems still weak in comparison
with its German, French or Italian counterparts. When discussing its prospects
for the future, we must distinguish between the three varieties of right-wing
extremism th at exist in the Netherlands at present:
Dreigingsanalyse MIVD rechtsextremisme in Nederland.
“RECHTS-EXTREMISME IN DE KL.
There is no evidence from any of the aforementioned organizations, activities are undertaken that aim to a department or similar. binnen de KL op te richten. Wei is occasionally happened that conscripts, die lid waren of sympathiseerden met rechts-extreme groeperingen, hun voorkeur met betrekking tot ras e.d. tot uiting brachten. Dit heeft met geleid tot wezenlijke spanningen in de betrokken eenheden.
In het recente verleden is er getracht om Nederlanders te ronselen om aan Kroatische zijde deel te nemen aan de burgeroorlog in Joegoslavië, Deze wervende activiteiten warden uitgevoerd door de “Nederlands Kroatische Werkgemeenschap” (NKW) . Een aantal personen met een extreemrechtse achtergrond maakt deel uit van deze organisatie. Een beperkt aantal vrijwilligers, voor een groot deel samengesteld uit ex-militairen, is daadwerkelijk naar Kroatië vertrokken en vormt daar een Nederlandse eenheid. Er zijn geen aanwijzingen dat deze activiteiten door de rechts-extreme politieke organisaties worden ondersteund.”
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Extreme right
Organized extreme right in the Netherlands has a following of an estimated several hundred people. Of this visit there a few dozen more or less regular meetings and gatherings, or are otherwise politically active.
A substantial majority politics found shelter at the Centre Democrats (CD) or the Centre Party '86 (CP'86). An extremely militant group of extreme right-wing is the Dutch branch of the neo-Nazi German Aktion Nationaler Front Sozialisten / Nationaier activists (ANS). Cores of the otherwise not very big, mostly youthful supporters are concentrated in the north of the country and around the cities of The Hague and Breda. Furthermore, a smaller number of active connections, as the company around NSB widow F. Rost van Tonningen-Heubel, The readership of the Data “Foundation for the support and supervision of the Dutch People's Union”, of “Viking Youth”, Members of the historical society “De turning” en de Nederlandse afdeling van de Northern League. In most of the supporters of mostly elderly Nazis. Their aim is to focus on preserving the fascist ideology of the 30s and 40s.
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Or the extreme right will manifest itself in our armed forces is also an open question. However, one might conclude that all advance, as the armed forces eon reflection ought to be society, there are potential opportunities for growth within the organization for the right-wing extremism. Because of the latent danger that anti-democratic movements within them is imperative that the armed forces binnon attention devoted to possible manifestations of right-wing extremism / racism . Efforts will continue to provide some insight into a number of extreme right-wing groups in the Netherlands, their philosophy, their supporters and the potential danger they may pose to the armed forces. To conclude, efforts will be made to process the content in a number of conclusions and recommendations regarding the armed forces.
P 6
The JFN is a latent violent, by National Socialist refounded, randgroepjongeren group without fixed ideology or organization. It objects in particular to a multi-cultural Netherlands and Europe. Political opponents , Jews and foreigners are colored object of their actions. The group members have no problem with the military service. Often one sees that conscript JFN members are regarded by commanders as a model soldiers. They accept without protest the military hierarchy and are often highly motivated. This sometimes leads to interest in special units such as the Commando Corps and the Marine Corps. As a result, there is the danger that, within certain units armed forces, by JFN supporters initiated, Incidents overlooked or trivialized.
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IV. ANTI-DEMOCRATIC CURRENTS
RECHTS-EXTREMISME IN WEST-EUROPA
The extreme right in Western Europe is progressing faster than science can keep. An investigative committee of the European parliament concluded in 1986 even those of the extreme right as yet nothing to fear fell. In the meantime, for example, by the
Republicans in the Federal Republic and the Front National in France achieved results that have met these parties permanently from the political margins; according to political scientists both parties account for some 10 tot 12 percent of the electorate. Also in the Netherlands in the last elections for House of Representatives and local councils has become a trend reflecting growing appreciation of extreme right-wing political views, for example, Centre Democrats and the Centre Party '86. Janmaat could with 0,9% of the vote to return to the Chamber while his party a new peak in March of this year reached when could be seized 11 council seats, wherein in some cases up to 6% the vote was taken.
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Research DISS to his accomplice soldier Youth Front Netherlands and to distribute pamphlets CD
“At the Royal Military Constabulary brigade Hague received a telephone message that under the straps inside the Frederik Barracks in The Hague
verkieizingspamfletten parked bicycles were found”
Met dank aan Stichting Argus en Buro Jansen & Janssen for the disclosure of such documents.
Success for the Centre Democrats (CD) .
By obtaining a seat in the parliamentary elections on 6 September 1989, have the Centre Democrats (CD) with captain Drs list. H.JANMAAT a milestone in the steady rise of the party.
De in juni 1989 European Elections were held with more than 31.000 on the votes cast CD, janmaat already shown that the battle had finally favor of the right-wing voter beating the rival Centre Party '86. The advance of the CD continued since then and eventually resulted in more than 81.000 stemmen (0.9% of the total) During the parliamentary elections. As before, the CD also now booked again the most electoral success in the big cities, whereby in Rotterdam net 3,4% of the votes cast, the highest score.
In light of the relentless negative publicity surrounding the CD and the rather amateurish campaign, characterized additionally filed by civil court proceedings by opponents, is to capture a Lower House seat by janmaat noteworthy.
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Beschrijvingen van MIVD over een onder meer beroeps militair uit Zwolle uit Jongeren Front Nederland hoek, die aandacht trok vanwege het plegen van openlijk geweld.
Op blz 27 t/m 32 een artikel over rechtsextremisme in het leger uit ‘Twintig’
Op blz 33 een CD pamflet
Over een JFN militair: “Betrokkene is woonachtig bij zijn ouders op voornoemd adres. Hij beschikt over een eigen kamer met daarin een bar met veel flessen en glazen. In die kamer hangt een foto met daarop afgebeeld een groepje personen, waarvan drie daarvan de “Hitlergroet” brengen. Omtrent die foto verklaarde hij dat daarop vrienden stonden afgebeeld uit het jongerencentrum “Westervolkshuis”, gelegen aan de Roemer Visscherstraat (Spangen) te Rotterdam. Hij verklaarde vervolgens lid te zijn van het Jongeren Front Nederland, waarvoor hij een jaarlijkse kontributie betaalt van f40,- Hij betaalt deze kontributie kontant aan een voor hem beekend persoon, waarvan hij de naam niet wilde noemen.”
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Official record of DISS concerning various matters relating to the Youth Front Netherlands.
Met dank aan Stichting Argus en Buro Jansen & Janssen for the disclosure of such documents.
THE ELECTION RESULT OF THE RIGHT extremist parties
In line with expectations, the right-wing extremist parties, who participated in the elections to the Lower House on 21 last May, the Centre Party and its divisional Party Centre Democrats, failed to win a seat. Also added up the number of votes remains + 48.000 under the quota.
Meanwhile, take the mutual and internal conflicts in CP and CD, which also led to the verkiezingsechec, forth.
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Right-wing extremism
In the Netherlands, several extreme right-wing or right-wing extremist groups active, which must be distinguished from the way they manifest themselves politically and to the basic principles that lie behind this policy.
The Consortium The Tree of Life
The function, which the Consortium has assumed is to act within the Dutch National Socialist political spectrum as a kind of Roman Curia. However, because of the divisions within the extreme Right Netherlands, the Consortium this function up to now can not deliver. The leading figures of the Viking Youth in early 1985 Viking Youth lifted to play the role of the youth organization of the Consortium.
However, the movement Youth Consortium has not got off the ground. Up to now
still appear monthly 400 copies of the blade “Manuscripts” The Consortium. Due to lack of money is the limited influence of Mrs. ROST
Tonningen still had further decline within the right-wing extremist political spectrum. Meanwhile, try some “jongeren” again the Viking Youth set up as an independent organization.
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Right-wing extremism
The Centre Party
After the departure of Drs H. Janmaat from the Centre Party was found, that the situation within the party was characterized by inactivity. In de periode oktober-december 1984 has both the leadership and the members a reconsideration and inventory of the Centre Party of prospects occurred. It now pays attention to the new face of the party, because they want to get rid of tactical considerations of the single-issue image of immigrants- issues.
When the CP is currently under the training of the future framework and to
Internal structuurvorming- en uitbouw van de partij. By joining forces are also working in the elections for the Lower House 1986. The outcome of this one is optimistic, though there are also wrangling over the details of the
candidates.
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DE CENTRUMPARTIJ
Center democrats or democratic centralist?
The Centre Party has opted for a more militant course where party discipline is called a prerequisite. In the recent power struggle by both the moderate and the radical wing has used many (on)actual arguments in order the
opposition to disable.
Developments within the CP appear reached a crucial stage regarding whether or not further antidemocratic opsteIling. The conflict, that forms the basis of the current power struggle, lies not so much in the political field, but rather on the grounds of the personal differences between the Member of Parliament and the party janmaat KONST. The party can be described as an idealist, that its own position
within the party is of secondary importance to the eight party interest.
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