Although attention is already focused on the elections to parliament in 2021, the municipal elections are also quite interesting. A group of Forum for Democracy members start a new party in Oisterwijk and fly out of the corner on the internet. In the Eemsdelta, PVVs turn up at local parties. A party leader of the VVD in Boxtel… Read more
Turn right Nijmegen is an action group with a small trailer. However, they do know to cause much commotion. They are characterized by small media-pickets and trying strategically to influence local politics in Nijmegen. What is striking here is that often the media and local politics… Read more
The Fortuynist party Forza! Netherlands is in 2004 officially established in Hoofddorp. The game is 2003 emerge as spin-off of the LPF. In the municipal elections can there Velsen, Castricum and Nissewaard be voted on this party. This is the fifth part of a series of short articles about the local elections 2018. In the… Read more
In the East Groningen municipality Pekela has a PVV candidate withdrew after his relationship with a motorcycle came out. But there is more to say about him. This is the third part of a series of short articles about the local elections 2018. In mid-February the Telegraph comes with the revelation that the PVV candidate Jan… Read more
In Flevoland PVV takes in Almere, Lelystad and Urk part in municipal elections. Almere gets the PVV competition Fortuynistiche a party with controversial candidates. And in Lelystad we find at two local parties candidates with a history with the Center Party and CP'86. This is a second part of a series of short articles… Read more
That the unrest surrounding the arrival of large groups of refugees to the Netherlands grist to the mill of existing right-wing extremist organizations, it mildly. Of neo-Nazis to the PVV come right extremists in action. They join protests, they may be organizing activities and interfere with local initiatives of angry residents. But above all… Read more
Op 9 juni 2015 in The Hague installed the new senators in the Senate. Among them was a rising young PVV'er from Noord-Brabant, Alexander van Hattem (1983) from Steensel. For the general public it is an unfamiliar sight, but Van Hattem has been running since 2002 around on the political scene. He started… Read more
Europe Goes Right off? For the European elections 22 May 2014 have some candidates and parties registered with a right to extreme right-wing. The European Union is not popular in these circles, partly because of nationalist sentiments, but also from substantiated arguments and democratic considerations. Het is eigenlijk tegenstrijdig om je verkiesbaar te stellen… Read more
Capelle aan den IJssel in this satellite town of Rotterdam is the largest party Liveable Capelle who sits on the board with three councilors. Alderman Dick van Sluis (1965) is also the president of his old party Liveable Rotterdam which is increasingly oriented towards the PVV line. Joost Eerdmans (1971) is the second Capelse alderman and also… Read more
Landgraaf The Labour Party was shocked as well when the tip came in that she had a right-wing extremist gekandideerd. However, the lists in Landgraaf had already become final and deletion could therefore no longer be. Als With Jülicher (1955) real political color has changed, he had better open card to play on… Read more
Haarlemmermeer Forza! The Netherlands is a far right Fortuynist game since 2010 is represented in the council of the collective municipality of Haarlemmermeer. They started with three councilors, maar 2012 was a turbulent year in which one councilor Forza! left and the former Proud Netherlands councilor Conny de Bree joined them. The core of the… Read more
Almelo PVA Party Pretty Almelo (PVA) In many respects, the Party for Freedom (PVV) Geert Wilders directed. The visit of the provincial PVV States Group to the PVA in January figures prominently on the website. Now at election time gives the PVA thus clear signal that the potential… Read more
As usual, the Amsterdam welcomes voter is a bombardment of candidate lists. All kinds of splinter factions make a bid for the apparently coveted council seat. The counter is this year at a whopping 27 parties. Gay Discrimination Delano Felter (1967) seems no chance with his one-man list of Republican Political Party. Especially since he was four years ago in liberal Amsterdam… Read more
On Ameland Ameland has joined a new party with the difficult name “Enterprising Christian Labour Party” (CAO party). In the program one breaks a lance for hunters, farmers and fishermen by European regulations, that protects the environment and the animals, feel hampered. It is most pronounced position of a party which further… Read more
Bergen op Zoom Party leader Ton Linssen (1952) his party list Linssen has often defends himself. He claims that his party is not racist or extreme right. As alderman works Linssen in Bergen op Zoom along with a broad coalition with VVD and PvdA. Are at the Table Linssen both renegade SP members like Wilders fans welcome,… Read more
Vijftien jaar gelden was het nieuw, flitsend en modern. Inmiddels beginnen ze tot de rafelranden van het internet te behoren: webfora. Digitale discussieplekken die meestal worden gekenmerkt door een bepaald thema of een bepaald type gebruiker. Inmiddels is die discussiefunctie in veel gevallen vervangen door nieuwe communicatievormen op internet, vooral door sociale media, door nieuwssites… Read more
In juni schreven we over Monica Nunes. Nunes was since the March elections 2011 Provincial State member of the Party for Freedom (PVV) in Noord-Holland. Exactly one year later stepped Hero Brinkman from the parliamentary party of the PVV to continue as a going éénpersoonsfractie. This also had consequences for the North Holland States Group, where Brinkman… Read more
In Parliamentary parties usually present with slick election commercials, multicolored promotional leaflets with the priorities, detailed manifestos full of noble plans and Web sites that candidates show their best side. The Anti-Fascist Research Kafka looked even better for the politicians who are now candidates for the parliamentary elections. We viewed the political… Read more
There are countless dreams, theories and strategies' which sets put how you could achieve political ideas. How do you end your ideal society should reach. Infiltrating other, politically more successful organizations is one of them. The extreme right has raised a long history. You need something as ambitious right-wing extremist…. Read more
Who sows the wind shall reap the whirlwind It will only happen. After a crazed Noor has committed a heavy bombing and then shot dead dozens of young leftists, he turns your extreme right club, or you designate as his personal inspiration or sympathizer. The Muslim hatred of Dutch right-wing extremists inspired Anders Breivik? The Nationalist Organizations… Read more
In this article we will look back on the past decade. The reason is that in our opinion, there is currently a transition period, perhaps even the end of an era. Some organizations are on the verge of disappearing, many far-right activists have recently been dropped. At the same time there is a party in… Read more
The participating parties extreme right or the ordinary right-wing parties that have an appeal to right-wing extremists? If we only look at its conclusions sometimes difficult to pull the party programs. Maybe a look behind the scenes? Which people are involved in this election? The Freedom Party of Geert Wilders but in two counties along…. Read more
Self Certified friends Pim carry on in November was registered against D66 leader Alexander Pechtold. He was found guilty according to the Friends of Pim Fortuyn and the foundation Image of Pim to libel, sedition and inciting hatred by Geert Wilders called a racist and right-wing extremist. He was considered… Read more
The political landscape in the Netherlands has changed in recent years. Because the positions of many parties are shifted to the right, it is difficult to determine a boundary between just right and the extreme right. In addition, after the assassination of Pim Fortuyn additional laden become to label movements in the border area with the predicate… Read more
One of the main right-wing parties in the Netherlands has fallen apart. The people of the Pim Fortuyn List (LPF) have spread over several new parties. Also from the VVD are some right-wing MPs walked for new political initiatives. How should we interpret these new parties? Are they extreme right? If we only look at the manifestos… Read more
In recent years we watched regularly representatives “new politics”, to investigate whether there was also of right-wing extremists who joined this. We watched Liveable Netherlands, LPF and various factions that tore from them. It is therefore interesting to see how it is now with. De… Read more
Behind the scenes of Venray It is early April 2005 and the North Limburg town of Venray gets his five minutes of fame. On a Saturday afternoon, a group of young people waiting for the start of a Hardcore Party. From this group,, assaults a number located on the Turkish mosque. In response, a group of Turkish youths opposes… Read more
In de nacht van 7 op 8 november is een bomaanslag gepleegd op de islamitische basisschool Tarieq Ibnoe Ziyad in Eindhoven. Ook op andere plaatsen in het land vonden gewelddadige acties plaats tegen islamitische doelen in de dagen na de moord op Theo van Gogh. De basisschool in Eindhoven is een geval apart. Not only… Read more
De Raad voor de Journalistiek, een orgaan dat klachten behandelt over de juistheid en zorgvuldigheid van journalistieke publicaties, deed afgelopen 16 april uitspraak in een opmerkelijke zaak. De Jonge Fortuynisten (JF) had een klacht ingediend tegen het NRC Handelsblad over de foto bij een kort artikeltje over een JF-demonstratie. On the photograph was, inter alia,… Read more
In March of this year saw a new extreme right initiative light, the committee “No to Turkey”. The pace lately become established new far-right splinter that is not really surprising. Yet this club deserves a little more attention, mainly due to the unexpected collaborating groups. The Committee “No To Turkey” directed against… Read more
Op 10 June, the voters can vote again for the members of the European Parliament. The far-right party New Right does with 25 candidates competing. A number of them has an interesting background. One part is taken from the LPF, but many have had contacts with more radical organizations like the NNP, the… Read more
Donderdagavond 4 maart kreeg de politie in Amsterdam een vreemde melding: er liepen drie mannen met bivakmutsen rond het huis van een persfotograaf. Deze fotograaf maakt regelmatig foto’s van linkse acties en fotografeerde onlangs een confrontatie in Amsterdam tussen extreem-rechtse activisten en antifascisten. The three men called at him and took pictures of his… Read more
Op 11 September, unfolds a bizarre spectacle at the statue of Pim Fortuyn in Rotterdam. There gathers a group of people for a demonstrative procession to the 11 commemorate September attacks in America. The organizing committee particularly wants to commemorate the Dutch victims and expresses its concern about Muslim organizations in the Netherlands… Read more
Dit keer nemen we geen kaderlid, geen leidinggevend figuur maar een ouderwetse straatactivist onder de loep, maar wel een bijzondere: Ben van der Kooi. Hij is 29 jaar oud en vanaf 2000 actief in het extreem-rechtse circuit. Van der Kooi zet zich in voor elke organisatie die hij als radicaal-rechts beschouwt: de Nieuwe Nationale Partij… Read more
Na de totaal mislukte verkiezingsdeelname aan de gemeenteraadsverkiezingen in 2002 tried the Dutch People's Union (NVU) ook dit jaar weer voldoende stemmen te krijgen voor een politiek podium. De partij deed op 11 maart mee aan de Provinciale Statenverkiezingen in Gelderland. Met ruim 1500 stemmen (0,2%) behaalde de partij precies voldoende steun voor 0,15 zetel. De… Read more
It must be said that Emile Ratelband has made an enormous achievement on his election participation. Within a few days he has been handed a well-stocked candidates in all circles. Here, more than 600 people involved in. The other small parties had much more trouble to get this job done and let all kinds… Read more
Just three months after the installation of the government Balkenende is the chaos within the second ruling party, The LPF, incalculable more. All kinds of different arguments and conflicts plaguing the party. One of the conflicts takes place within the Kamerfractie: The chairman Wijnschenk with his faithful can no longer through one door with Winny de Jong… Read more
The AVD splits in October 2002 van de LPF of. The big stumbling block for AVD'ers is the lack of participation and democracy within the LPF. Unlike Winny de Jong and her Conservatieven.nl however lacks the AVD a striking figurehead. Partly because the game will only get the publicity and… Read more
As if there are not yet enough elections, inhabitants have a number of counties in late November to the polls for municipal reorganization elections. Both in Zwijndrecht in Oss are exciting developments. Livable Zwijndrecht in Zwijndrecht joins the NNP and submitted a list of eleven candidates. The list itself has few surprises: a… Read more
Leefbaar Rotterdam raadslid Michiel Smit: “Er is een ding erger dan een Neger, een blanke Neger!” Op 6 maart schudt Rotterdam op zijn grondvesten. Pim Fortuyns Leefbaar Rotterdam haalt bijna 35 procent van de stemmen en komt met zeventien personen in de Rotterdamse raad. De kersverse raadsleden hebben enkele overeenkomsten, but also major differences…. Read more
Begin april sloeg de paniek even toe bij de kringcoördinatoren van de Lijst Pim Fortuyn. Hun belangrijkste taak was het verzamelen van minimaal 30 steunhandtekeningen in elk van de 19 kieskringen. Zonder deze handtekeningen kon de partij niet mee doen aan de verkiezingen volgens de kieswet. Minimaal had de partij dus 570 (19 x 30)… Read more
This week: That foundation publishes anti-Semitic texts. either: That foundation publishes anti-Semitic texts.
Contrary to previous expectations, Forum for Democracy has grown rapidly. Who should occupy all seats in the House of Representatives??
Take Freek Jansen. Once a little known Westlander who played a significant role in the long-standing conflict between former registrar Nico Broekema and the municipality of Westland, with then mayor Sjaak van der Tak in the lead.
Thierry Baudet seemed like Geert Wilder's beginning 2019 as the main interpreter of the radical right-wing sound in Dutch politics. A year and a half and a pandemic later, the roles are completely reversed. How is that possible? "Baudet wants to be adored. It's almost tragic. "
Forum for Democracy is not doing well. The party is losing many voters, and the PVV seems to benefit from this. Voters who run away are not charmed by the conspiracy thinkers with which FvD leader Thierry Baudet is involved. And also his vision on the corona policy, is not well received by them.
Because of his statements about refugees, Frits Huffnagel had to resign as chairman of Amsterdam Gay Pride. The originally left gay movement fights against discrimination, but also for individual freedom. That rubs.
Transfer news. Former LPF Member of Parliament (and that party's last leader) and also ex-MEP for the PVV Olaf Stuger switches to GO from Henk Otten.
The choice of the VVD and the CDA in North Brabant to have coalition talks with the Forum for Democracy, is not received with cheers everywhere. But the enormous fragmentation in the Provincial States may still drive the parties in each other's arms.
The actions of Farmers Defense Force and Agraction last year are in a long tradition of agricultural populism. With Hendrik Koekoek as the most famous mouthpiece. "Statistics don't mean anything to me. I want numbers!’
EINDHOVEN – Eindhoven LPF committee Mari Nijs made in November 2018 guilty of "insulting a group’ by placing "unreasonable and discriminatory’ photos on his Facebook page. magistrate P. Appelhof condemned the politician Monday in Eindhoven to a fine of 500 euro, half of which conditionally. “You can not come to your mind”, found the 52-year Nijs outraged.
Now party leader Joost Eerdmans unexpectedly reset a step, Liveable Rotterdam is an important choice that will determine the course of the party.
One of the biggest in decades political change, the erosion of the traditional center parties and the rise of right-wing populism. UvA political scientist Sarah Long: "We might as well get used to right-wing populist parties are an integral part of politics in Europe."
Harry Mens’ Business Class is not known as the most relevant talk show from Netherlands, nevertheless chose Democracy Forum last season remarkably often for Sunday institute. Why So?
EINDHOVEN – Pegida In the night from Friday to Saturday struck again in Eindhoven. For Al-Fourqaan mosque to Otterstraat is a picture of Prophet Mohammed posted, a sign there showing a message. Whether this weekend are more actions, leaves a spokesman Pegida still open.
Alexander van Hattem from Vinkel proclaims the PVV sound in Den Bosch, Noord-Brabant and The Hague. Report of an attempt to get a grip on the man without a microphone it as little as possible strikes. ,,Live is important as a politician. "
Provincial Council elections. For the Provincial Council elections vist Forum for Democracy in many private pond.
Behind the scenes of Forum for Democracy Henk Otten big man. As leader for the Upper House elections enters the former dealmaker in the City of London for the first time in the shadow of Thierry Baudet. "I gave myself eight to ten years."
Doorne Burger Vincent T. (43) suspected of preparing terrorist attack on Muslims in 2007 One of the party for Freedom participated in the provincial council elections. ,,He was a good candidate”, says the founder and party leader Olof Wullink Party, which did not receive any seat and went inglorious demise.
Alexander van Hattem of the PVV is the only politician in the Netherlands is now active on three levels: as senator, States member and as a councilor. But can actually, so with three caps?
The 21 March local elections show once again how out of touch mainstream media and politicians are. They prefer pandering to the angry and vocal minority than listening to the much broader and up to now silent majority, writes populism expert Cas Mudd.
Their political adventure with the LPF was not successful, but Fortuynisten of yesteryear seem to have done very well in municipal elections. ,,We have learned our lesson.”
After two seats in parliament in March 2017 scored Forum for Democracy this week three council seats in Amsterdam. In the meantime, the biggest fear of party leader Thierry Baudet reality: broke publicly visible feud in the party. Reconstruction of a battle direction.
Hans Smolders won in municipal elections in Tilburg ten seats with his list Smolders Tilburg (LST). It is a gain of five seats. This is the former driver of Pim Fortuyn, the big winner in the Brabant town.
they were a year ago still on the list of candidates for the House - a gynecologist, property manager and psychotherapist. Now they are expelled. "They took our party."
Treasurer, co-founder and board member of the Forum for Democracy (FVD) Henk Otten, does not care about the criticism he endured the past few days. The party would be undemocratic by various members.
Geert Wilders was crystal clear when he announced that the Freedom Party was to participate in the municipal elections: Rotterdam is mine. He would and should personally in Rotterdam everything themselves orchestrate. And just as he now has his party dismiss.
The fast growing Forum for Democracy is anything but a one-man show.
The PVV Drenthe has struggled to suitable candidates for the municipal elections so far to get them themselves in March 2018 electable.
,,People are worried, even anxious', Nico tells Uppelschoten, chairman of the Group of States of the PVV.
Broker and television presenter Harry Mens would like the Senate in the Forum for Democracy Thierry Baudet. The 70-year-old man has a message about it in The Telegraph confirmed.
A political career often from local to national – from councilor to MP. But the reverse also happens. Now the political calendar hovers between rural and municipal elections, the story of the politicians' big’ politics would trade for that of the small. Today the castle: Hilbrand Nawijn, Table Hilbrand Nawijn in Zoetermeer.
The LPF Eindhoven will have no stone unturned in an assault case allegedly committed ear a group of Syrians in the Henri Dunantpark in Woensel.
It is the Eindhoven council Dré Renneberg and Rudy Reker been an eyesore, The Marken by the council. Now the pot is becoming army, sound their call for a different approach louder.
The LPF Eindhoven doing under this name to the local elections in Eindhoven, next year. The Party therefore agrees not with the PVV. This party announced Monday. That does not participate in the municipal elections, the PVV in Eindhoven, the deciding factor in this decision.
The PVV has under President Charles Stroek the association LPF Eindhoven no approaches to the LPF. However, the LPF Eindhoven approached the selection of the PVV, he tells Monday. “In this letter, we have heard nothing but”, zegt hij.
Excited cynicism reigns supreme in the reaction of party leader Constant Kusters of the far-right Dutch People's Union on the PVV participation in the municipal elections in Arnhem.
He is known as someone who likes to control everything. Today Geert Wilders suddenly announced that the PVV 60 municipalities will participate in the municipal elections. His party is ready? Matt Herbert thinks it. “He has learned from the chaos at the LPF.”
The LPF want jobs that the college immediately close the controversial mosque Al Fourqaan in the city and forbids the Islamic Waqf Foundation.
dozens of emails. Friesland to Zeeland. Limburg up to the national PVV party in The Hague. "The entries are pouring in", says PVV leader Max Aardema of the Provincial Group in Friesland. All people who "want to conquer the land" and to put an end to "giving away Netherlands".
Geert Wilders' Freedom Party wants to be "in as many municipalities’ them to do in the local elections, he says in an interview with the AD. "We are now far '.
The PVV is the next municipal elections in 2018 participate in 'as many municipalities'. That announces leader Geert Wilders in the AD. He exclaims PVV supporters to sign up as a candidate for councilor.
They have a white house with plastic garden. There might be a boat, a nail salon, a job in the IT sector. The electorate of the two most right-wing parties can be found among people who first tended to the PVV, but is there not feeling at home. Anthropologist Josse de Voogd outlines the map of New Right in Netherlands.
While mainstream parties have shaken off the ideological feathers, Keep radical right parties in their finery honor. The PVV party family has become commonplace in almost all Western Europe. That does not mean that they are ideologically moderate.
Time for cake at the PVV, The party celebrates its tenth anniversary. Several times the political end of Geert Wilders was predicted, but his party was always upright. And that will 10 his year as, predict co- and opponents in politics. "He must go on.’
Today is a special day in Dutch political history: it is the birthday of the Party for Freedom (PVV), a party known mostly for its “firebrand” leader, Geert Wilders. Wilders entered Dutch politics as a member of the conservative People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD), but left the party after his increased criticism had marginalized his position within the parliamentary faction. After a short period in the Second Chamber as the “Group Wilders” (a group of one), he founded the PVV – which still operates as part of the Foundation Group Wilders, with one sole member (Wilders).
To whom should you look to understand Hague? This week: Michael Heemels, cases spokesman of the PVV. either: a mini-drama as a result of Wilders' party decennial leadership.
“Fascist, racist, nazi, shouted 2 older men to me. While they do not even know me. The drop was one of them, "I know where to find you’ and "I'll make you broke’ exclaimed my wife stood by. And he hit me yet too. That's not normal?”, says Jansen.
Another good friend of PVV leader Geert Wilders seeks refuge in the new batch of Bram Moszkowicz. Emeritus Professor David Pinto will come after the former star lawyer on the list for the Netherlands (VNL). VNL Pinto will present next week at the first meeting of the party.
The LPF Eindhoven does not agree with the letter of Gijzel mayor sent in response to the advent of the Islamic preacher Sheikh Aaidh al-Qarni. The controversial sheikh was last Thursday, holding several lectures in the mosque Al Fourqaan, but the talks were called off at the last moment. To the disappointment of many Muslims. It could not go ahead due to the cancellation of visas for the Schengen countries. Earlier, Sheikh France was not in US.
If there's one thing right parties had in recent years suffered from, it was a quarrel. The LPF is the most famous example of a party that was torn in a few months, due to internal problems. The party never recovered: Even after the elections 2003 arose no fraction as a unit without any major disagreements operated. The group was loose sand, fights were the order of the day and there were several divestitures for.
How free are MPs to take any political position? There is both a theoretical and a practical answer to this question. The theoretical answer is that MPs without load their judging sheets. The reality is different: they are often tied to their group by the so-called group discipline. Thus, each fraction unanimous vote. Sometimes there is also a coalition agreement which is supposed MPs continue to support the.
For new right-wing parties, it is difficult to find a new leader as the old one is dismissal,. Most new players in recent years disappeared when their leader stopped or still smoldered moment: Article 50 disappeared after the resignation of Daniël van der Stoep, Party for the Netherlands after the departure of Hilbrand Nawijn, the Democratic Political Turning Point after the departure of Hero Brinkman and Proud of the Netherlands were discharged after Rita Verdonk.
How to build a new party from? Whether to the LPF Fortuyn, PVV of Wilders or Proud Netherlands Verdonk, in all cases, there were significant numbers of people needed to fill positions. Not only the candidates for the House, but other candidates' lists were to be filled in the province or municipality.
Most politicians are unknown, but the political parties on the right that almost all. Parties like the LPF, Proud of the Netherlands and the PVV are organized around a leader and it is therefore granted almost all the media attention. The LPF had except Matt Herbert barely known politicians, except Joost Eerdmans. Verdonk was the only face Proud of the Netherlands and many PVV MPs are hardly known.
councilor Rudy Reker of the LPF in Eindhoven asks questions in the municipal council. He wants that in a particular mosque Eindhoven closed and an Islamic foundation banned. He responds to the news that a controversial Kuwaiti sheikh is in 2016 spoke in the mosque.
In Poeldijk is organizing LPF Westland a meeting with Forum voor Democratie. The speaker Thierry Baudet over “the hollowing of the (local) politics”.
A newspaper reports the city council fraction of LPF Westland, who recently objected to two council decisions taken about schools last summer. It concerns the establishment of an Islamic school in Naaldwijk and the renovation of a school in Monster. LPF Westland says a CDA councilor should never have voted, because he is the chairman of the board of the schools foundation. His voice was decisive for a green light. LPF Westland wants the council's decision to be overturned and the Ministry to reject the arrival of the Islamic school.
In Den Bosch is organizing AZC-Alert a protest under the motto “No not here AZC“. The neo-Nazis from De Nationalist en RVF Landstorm Nederland hooks on in here. their activists Johnboy Willemse en Patricia Visser be there with their own banner. The Department Eindhoven van Identitair Verzet also calls for participation. It is an information session for States members of the State House on a plan municipalities of the province obliged to take a certain number of refugees. Anita Cremers-Hendriks of PVV calls on behalf AZC alert to come and listen to the “terribly undemocratic proposal dram“. De LPF Eindhoven will attend the meeting as an opponent of the plan. They fear Eindhoven then will have to take four hundred asylum seekers.
In the evening there is a protest against the arrival of asylum seekers in 's Gravenzande (Westland). Identitair Verzet calls its supporters and the departments Rotterdam en Den Haag to take part here. On the Internet there is an event created with an image Geert Wilders of the PVV there. On the night before four windows are smashed at the old town hall. There are about three hundred people have come out to protest and call some of them "AZC Away with it"And puts off fireworks. De pretty extremist Ben van der Kooi brought a banner reading "Refugees Stop Not Welcome”. In doing the council itself LPF Westland proposal to abandon refugee shelter, but rejected.
From 30 April to 2 Mei passes a controversial Muslim cleric in Saudi Arabia, a number of lectures in Eindhoven. In the City of Eindhoven have the VVD, of LPF and the CDA asked questions. They want to know what action the council will take to stop the arrival of Sheikh. Because of all the commotion, the lectures are canceled. presented in parliament the PVV en Voor Nederland questions about.
On a social media site calls a Committee Against 700 Asylum seekers Orangerie to raise money to pay legal fees for an appeal against the arrival of a refugee center in Eindhoven. The money must be paid into the bank account of the LPF in Eindhoven. A right wing extremist also places the call on the page Voorpost.
In Bennekel district Eindhoven protests Identitair Verzet with some residents in the evening bright and loud against the arrival of fourteen seniors housing for Turkish-Dutch elderly in their neighborhood. It is called that the houses in Istanboel be built and that the project would be racist. The council ultimately voting for the project, only the LPF vote against. There are a number of well-known right-wing extremists at the protest site and they do action stuff Identitair Verzet located at. In recent days are also posters Identitair Verzet posted.
Today the message comes in the news that indigenous elderly in Gestel (Eindhoven) rebelling against a plan of a housing in the adjacent district Bennekel. Who wants to build a new complex that will fourteen senior apartments, only for Turkish seniors. During the first neighborhood meeting is already fierce debate, the local branch of the later supports LPF behind the protest of the residents. The Group of States PVV in North Brabant has asked questions to the Provincial Executive.
The municipality Enschede holding a committee meeting about the arrival of a mosque in a neighborhood. a former LPF"There has established a club to protest “Enschede Now or never” is baptized. They want to collect signatures for a petition against the mosque. For they have it today PVV-Staten Edgar Mulder from Zwolle and make an reker in committee snared.
Hero Brinkman presents in Den Haag the new name of the merged party of his own game OBP en Trots op Nederland. The new name is: Democratisch Politiek Keerpunt (DPK). There are also politicians LPF en Leefbaar Rotterdam in. Hereafter misbehaves a group of partying party on a terrace Tilburg.
Strength! implies Nieuw-Vennep political cafe on the legacy of Pim Fortuyn. Here Argue PVV-MP Fleur Agema with, inter alia, Gerard van As (ex-LPF MP) on the political legacy of Fortuyn.
Extreme right-wing organizations join the commemoration of Pim Fortuyn in Rotterdam. There are more than a thousand people attended from Leefbaar Rotterdam and from former LPF-circles, but also from mainstream politics. From the extreme right corner there are people Voorpost, of NVU in the PVV.
Language affects the way we look at reality and calling judge and associations. For this reason, language is an important tool for politicians: language they can use for their own success. Very successful politicians in recent years are those with a populist slant. In this examination, language and populism together, in the form of an analysis of the grammatical features of speeches Baudet, a new politician in parliament and also called a populist.
The NCTV published over the right-wing extremist violence threat since the first appearance of the Terrorist Threat Assessment Netherlands (DTN) in 2005. It is widely considered
threat to all developments which could potentially lead to terrorist violence. The history, but also the actuality, showed that terrorist violence is not confined to
jihadisme. In the National Counterterrorism Strategy 2016-2020 states that right-wing extremism, the attention of the NCTV.1 The right-wing extremism nevertheless became the
imaging is often obscured by the Jihadism. This is largely understandable because the jihadist threat of violence, in any case in the Netherlands, the last decade
determining factor has been the threat of terrorism.
The NCTV also published for this reason in recent years, several studies phenomenon in terms of Jihadism (For example, "Minors at ISIS 'from 2017). New domestic and international events and developments in the field of right-wing extremism and right-terrorism cause the phenomenon has gained in recent years of relevance to the threat.
The observation that the century has been a major break in the Dutch political culture is now regarded as the Death Eaters of the public debate. A country that nurtured an image as a beacon of tolerance and progressivism developed in short time at the European forefront of the political resurgence of nationalism and anti-immigrant sentiment.
The meteoric rise and dramatic assassination of Pim Fortuyn 2002 led to a stunning electoral victory of his party, de Lijst Pim Fortuyn (LPF). Out of nowhere it became the second party in the country, Seventeen percent of the vote, in what has generally come to be known as the Fortuyn revolt. Since then, his identity, immigration and law and order, the dominant themes of the public debate. It was the start of the Dutch culture wars, a battleground in which conservative advocates of stricter immigration- integration and crossed swords with prudent progressives.
The question in this book is how central understood this shift can
are defined in ideology.
Results of research show repeatedly seen in many variations and tonalities that Islam and Muslims in the Netherlands but difficult to accept. This is partly reflected in the results of research into experiences of discrimination of Turkish-Dutch and Moroccan-Dutch youth and the results of research on the degree of acceptance of Muslims. Many young people of Turkish or Moroccan feel they belong to the Dutch society. They feel excluded and rejected. They are not seen as individuals, but as Turks, Moroccans or Muslims i.e.. as a different set of. They feel differently treated
many areas of daily life. They feel, distorted in the press. Many young men have to deal with ethnic profiling by police. They call the unfavorable climate towards ethnic minorities as the main reason why they still identify with their community of origin and their faith. giving Taken together, the results of the study in which this emerges a clear indication that a thread experiences of discrimination make in the lives of these young people. One such discrimination is Islamophobia. Islamophobia manifests itself in various fields and in many sectors of society, in downright violent practices and ordinary interpersonal communication.
It goes without saying that the period 1998-2012 in Dutch politics at least 'dynamic’ is referred to as. The rise and fall of the LPF and TON; the murders of Pim Fortuyn and Theo van Gogh; the rise of the PVV; the growth of the SP; the consequences of 9/11; the financial crisis and the referendum on Europe are just some of the developments and events in this period. It is also often talked about the increased volatility of Dutch voters and the level of confidence and interest in parliamentary politics. With the completion of the National Voters- research (NKO) 2012 it is therefore time to designate this period, from the perspective of the voter. is hereby (among other things) use is made of data from the NKO photos 1998-2012. in Uproar: Dutch voters and politics after 1998 Three themes that are featured in this period of interest: Europe and European integration; immigration- and integration debate; the financial crisis, the welfare state and their relation to (inter)national solidarity. In addition, there is attention to the Dutch electorate, in particular, for the 'floating’ voter (voters seem to be less sedentary) and the degree of trust and interest in Dutch politics and the democratic system.
This research report focuses on risk and protection related to discriminatory incidents at mosques. From the book "Islamophobia and Discriminatie'1 already revealed that the broader picture of growing Islamophobia in the Netherlands merged with the incidence of violence and incidents at mosques. The number of registered cases showed a continuity of periods when it peaked, depending on the circumstances. This was the case after the attacks on the WTC in New York 11 september 2001 and after the murder of van Gogh in November 2004. In 2014 were asked first mosques themselves about their experiences in this gebied.2 Combined with data from other sources we Although this did not complete but a plausible picture of discriminatory aggression and violence against mosques in Netherlands. This picture is summarized as follows. Of the estimated 475 Mosques in the Netherlands over a third (39 %) to make in the past ten years, had with one or often more occurrences of discriminatory aggression and violence. Destruction, with discriminatory graffiti slogans, (attempts at) arson, threatening letters and hanging a pig's head are among the most common incidents. Some of these mosques made such incidents
at least annually or even more often,. 30% of the mosques has experienced no incidents of discriminatory aggression and violence. From 29% of the mosques is not known whether they have had these experiences.
This report contains three studies on the aforementioned questions, conducted by Dutch, Danish and British researchers. The three research groups selected each with its own accent. The Dutch report mainly focuses on the interactions between parents and children, Danish report focuses on the development of young people and the way it is influenced by people and organizations that try to win the young people for their ideology, while the British report situates the radicalization process in the context of the social and political context. The interviews make clear that there is no linear path of certain types of family or parenting practices radicalization. In some cases, only the interviewees indicate the family as the main source of radicalization and de-radicalization. Concerning the latter: own choice (‘agency’), imprisonment and trial, so as a main reason given. The fact that the family was mentioned by almost anyone as a direct cause of radicalization remains that many conversations were reports of various problems that occurred in family atmosphere. In about two-thirds of the families was talk of separation, an absent father, lack of emotional support, psychiatric problems, sickness or death; in some families, there was violence and abuse. We conclude that such circumstances do not explain the radicalization process itself, but it can be a fertile ground for. The anger, for example, young people feel about the role their (absentee) father in the upbringing played -or just did not play- can make them more susceptible to recruitment by extremist organizations. But it seems that there are always other factors must be at play, like the feeling of humiliation or disappointment in the institutions of society. Although each of the stories is unique recorded in this project, precisely in the complex interplay of factors and conditions, signs are quite a few routes to and from radicalization that contain common elements. In this report, these routes are ideally typical journey's' named, a series of transitions that young people go through in their development from childhood to adulthood that usually a lot of navigational assistance required. The journey should not be seen as fixed patterns which fit any young radical by definition, but as an attempt to organization of the complex reality differently is put together for each young.
The report 'Monitor Muslim Discrimination' brings Dr.. Ineke van der Valk data collected on the state of affairs of Islamophobia and discrimination against Muslims. The number of reports on anti-discrimination and the police is low, there appear few reports in the media but research into discrimination against Muslims shows high levels of both experienced discrimination as measured objectively discrimination through the years.
Ineke van der Valk made for the investigational use of national and international research, Data from anti-discrimination organizations and results of empirical research. Especially discriminatory incidents at mosques and the situation in secondary education stood in the research center.
Since the LPF when all kinds of parties' right’ who came into trouble. Both the LPF and Proud of the Netherlands failed in their attempt to establish a new party. The only right party who has been booked electoral successes, the PVV, is regularly the scene of conflicts, scandals and divisions. How is it possible that politicians like Pim Fortuyn, Rita Verdonk and Geert Wilders to the general public got a huge popularity but were not able to build a stable party? They drew the wrong people, or was it to themselves?
Chris Aalberts and Dirk-Jan Keijser spoke to forty people directly involved with include the LPF, Proud of the Netherlands and the PVV. This provides a unique insight into how these parties were built, how the leadership to bring these parties tried to success, who were active, where these parties were content for and how a number of parties came to an end. This reconstruction of new parties to the right of the political spectrum provides many lessons on how not to create a political party.
It is hard to open a newspaper nowadays without being confronted by populism. In relation to the European Parliament elections in May 2014, it is reasonable to write a few words about populist parties in Europe and take a deeper look at their historical backgrounds. The influence of populist parties is growing. They are mobilising the masses who are concerned about the European financial and fiscal crisis, which has created insecurity and doubt about the existing political systems and social organizations. These are usually presented as corrupted and elitist without any sense to listen to the wishes of the common people. The EU is seen as an open window for immigrants who are threatening national cultures and safety. The most important point was balancing the literature; some authors see populists as a threat to democratic states and others describe them as a challenge to the existing political structures and systems. Here, the focus is on relevant, actively participating, populist political parties that are involved in political developments and events in selected countries: France-National Front, Netherlands-Party for Freedom and Socialist Party, United Kingdom-UK Independence Party, Sweden-Sweden Democrats, Finland-The Available, Denmark-Danish People’s Party and Norway-Progress Party.
Politiek in de marge
The European financial and—partly stemming from this—fiscal crisis is the most severe economic crisis to have occurred since the 1920s. As with every crisis of such dimensions, it has created insecurity and doubt about the existing political systems and institutional arrangements. These concerns are being exploited by nationalistic parties and the virulent media, and are solely focused on the national political arena. National selfinterest and prejudices against European neighbours and fellow European citizens are increasing: southern Europeans are portrayed as averse to work and unwilling to reform, northern Europeans as lacking solidarity. Abusive comparisons with Fascism have even been made.
The boost to populist parties and the receptivity of the public to their messages have been facilitated by the current crisis. The magnitude of the electoral gains that populist parties have been able to acquire due to their anti-European slogans and programmes is surprising and worrying. They succeed by delivering apparently straightforward solutions, which are often derived from national interest, to what are actually complex political problems—solutions that have persuasive power amongst a broad audience. This kind of nationalist and anti-European rhetoric endangers not only economic prosperity, but also democracy.
Issues of immigration and the integration of foreigners have become topics of heated debate in the public and political arena in modern European democracies. According to Koopmans and colleagues (2005: 3) ‘immigration and ethnic relations (…) constitute since the early 1990s the most prominent and controversial fields of political contention in West European polities’. Parallel to this development, support for anti-immigration parties has increased in several Western European countries. Examples are the French National Front, the Austrian Freedom Party and the Flemish Bloc (since 2004 Flemish Interest) in Belgium. The Netherlands is an interesting case in the European context, because the right-wing populist challenge was rather ‘slow in coming’ (Kriesi et al. 2006: 163). A significant electoral performance of the far-right did not take place until 2002 and it had also failed to make any significant impact on the public debate until relatively recently. The Netherlands was therefore for long considered a ‘deviant case’ (Rydgren and Van Holsteyn 2004), just like for example Sweden, as the country met most conditions that according to established theories explain the emergence of far-right parties elsewhere, but these parties still remained relatively unsuccessful.
The tragic attacks in Norway on 22 July 2011
drew Europe’s gaze to the potential dangers of
the radical right’s growing presence across the
continent, and the increasing legitimisation of
anti-immigration and anti-Islam discourses
within mainstream European politics.
Considered alongside other recent violence in
Germany and Italy, the attacks challenged the
idea that extremism from the right is only a
minor security threat. The pan-European
successes of radical right parties, pervasive harsh
language and violence towards immigrants and
growing transnational networks of right-wing
extremists indicate the increasing need for fresh
analysis and innovative responses on these
issues. There remains, however, a blurred
relationship between violence from the extreme
right and broader trends of Islamophobia and
radical right politics.
In the public discourse dominating the Netherlands after 1945, anti-Semitism and racism – two of the basic elements of (“classical”) right-wing extremism – have tended to be seen as uncharacteristic of Dutch society.1According to many experts, this is attributed to Dutch experiences in the Second World War, as the Netherlands saw the largest percentage of national Jewish populations in Europe killed, after Poland. A guilt complex related to Dutch behaviour during the War has led to what is often called “the basic consensus” on what is “bad” and “good” in Dutch society.
Imagine a pamphlet announcing that the “Muslim Fifth Column is taking over Europe. We will soon be living in Eurabia under sharia law.” Or imagine a pamphlet saying that the “world conspiracy of Jews, this dirty vermin that keeps on returning to pollute our societies, has taken control of the banks and industry again.” In the Netherlands, both pamphlets would provoke public outcry against the authors, since the year is 1989 and we have just stepped out of our time machine to witness the ensuing protest marches and the imminent arrest of the neo-Nazis who distributed these pamphlets. Those were the good old days when the extreme right was small, when mainstream racism and anti-Semitism did not openly exist, and any word or sign of discrimination was immediately attacked by anti-racists, anti-fascist groups and all loyal democrats. In those days, support for the rights of economic immigrants, or guest workers, as they were called back then, was the norm and not the exception. In Western Europe everybody on the left side of the political spectrum had faith in a future of equality and freedom from discrimination, while those on the right who kept silent were branded as racists, or at least apologists. During the 1980s, anti-racist and anti-fascist groups built up considerable popular support, to the extent that anti-racism in the Netherlands became the norm and any dissenting voice was immediately labelled racist or fascist.
This article presents an agency-based approach to the success of radical right-wing populist parties. It posits that radical right parties will only experience sustained electoral success when they are built prior to their electoral breakthrough and when they institutionalise rapidly. The process of institutionalisation will progress more quickly when radical right parties have a leader with strong internal leadership qualities and when sufficient attention is paid to the recruitment, training and socialisation of candidates. The argument is illustrated through a comparison between two Dutch radical right parties: the Lijst Pim Fortuyn (LPF) and the Partij Voor de Vrijheid (PVV). The two cases offer a compelling example of learning effects in politics: Geert Wilders (PVV) observed the collapse of the LPF and has avoided making the same mistakes.
Until a few years ago, little was known about radicalization in the municipality
Rotterdam. In 2005 Joining the program starts or Get Left Behind; Rotterdam
action against radicalization (paying special attention has shifted
on Islamic radicalization). Simultaneously start a central information: Switching the Information Radicalization (ISPR)1. This information point will - in addition to the police
also information and intelligence on extremism and radicalization in the region gathers
- signs of radicalization and extremism together from municipal services,
parishes, affiliated with the government institutions and front line workers.
is extremely right for the municipalities within the Rotterdam-Rijnmond region not
a new phenomenon. The ISPR brings an annual report with a date
picture of the nature and extent of radicalization, including the extreme right.
Politicians present themselves to their statements about ethnic or religious
to account for minority groups to court? Or is this
accountability to take place solely in the public debate?
This question can also be raised for cartoonists,
columnists, or comedians. This is an important social
question: where does the boundary of free speech
and start of the ban on discrimination?
That limit is not static, but depending on time, place and circumstances.
In the Netherlands plays this clash of rights expressly
in the legal prosecution of PVV leader Geert Wilders. Begin
2010 is the persecution ordered by the Amsterdam Court. De
lawsuit is of great importance for the determination of the boundary between
two fundamental rights in the Netherlands, but does not determine everything. Likewise
factor is that Netherlands to international human rights treaties
has committed and must abide by the Charter of Fundamental Rights
of the European Union.
Related to this discussion is to find and identify the
border between victim and perpetrator in incidents in which racism or discrimination
plays a role. In everyday practice shows role reversal
easily to be able to take place. Muslims have been victims
of Islamophobic violence, but radical Muslims may also be offenders
terrorist offenses. Sometimes commit extreme right youth violence,
because they have been victims of earlier immigrant violence.
In the aforementioned example of Geert Wilders this goes double
role, in particular,. When accused of inciting hatred against Muslims include
he is also a victim of threats against his person a
take many years for 24-hour security necessary.
Read more in the monitor
Radical right-wing populist parties have incessantly increased their presence in Western Europe since the early-1980s. The number of countries in which radical right-wing populist parties compete in elections has grown, as has the number of countries where these parties manage to pass the electoral threshold and enter parliament. In addition to well-known radical right-wing populist parties like the French National Front (Front National, or FN) or the Austrian Freedom Party (Freedom Party of Austria, or FPÖ), the rise of a multitude of lesser known radical right-wing populist parties like the Danish People’s Party (Danish People's Party, or DF), the List Pim Fortuyn (Pim Fortuyn List, or LPF), or New Democracy (New Democracy, ND) has characterized West European politics since the late-1980s. More importantly, the electoral success of these parties has grown exponentially.
In the course of the last two decades, right-wing populist parties have gained sizable vote shares in France, Switzerland, and Austria. In the Netherlands, Pim Fortuyn has succeeded in breaking into a party system whose segmentation and “pillarization” once made it an example of stability. Throughout much of the post-war period, Switzerland and Austria had also been marked by a high stability of the party alternatives. In these countries, as well as in Denmark, Norway, Italy, and Belgium, the success of new parties of the right has largely surpassed that of older parties of the extreme right, which seemed to have represented a “normal pathology” resulting from tensions created by rapid change in industrial societies (Scheuch, Klingemann 1967). Certainly, the optimism of the “golden age” of growth after World War II has given way to more gloomy feelings of malaise in the era of unemployment and austerity politics. The enduring success of right-wing populist parties, however, as well as the increasing similarity of their discourse suggest that they are more than a populist outbreak of disenchantment with electoral politics. Rather, it has become apparent that a common potential must underlie their rise.
Fortuyn's famous slogan "I say what I think" has not in recent years
only gained widespread imitation, but also led to fierce discussions
about the limits of freedom of expression. Begin 2006, during
global outcry over the Danish Mohammed cartoons', pleaded vvd-
MP Ayaan Hirsi Ali for "the right to beledigen'.1 A Danish
prints was an image of the Prophet Mohammed with a turban in
the shape of a bomb with lit fuse. This cartoon was shown 2008
a starring role in the film Wilders, Fitna, which already has also led to
heated discussions about the limits of freedom of expression. Now That
which borders have shifted and that more can be said than before
seems clear. A striking example is the uproar over the
police raid in May 2008 a Dutch cartoonist 'Gregory
Shot in the neck "which for years has been criticized Islam. The Arrest
the cartoonist, who was suspected of the prohibitions on discrimination
to have violated, aroused great public and political outrage.
Cartoons should be able to, as was widely argued, regardless of
their content. The question of where the limits of free expression than
it should be, remained in the background. However, in discussions
in recent years increasingly argued that the border should
be drawn at inciting violence.
But, as others say, without inciting violence large
harm be done, because the expanded freedoms of expression
influence on the occurrence of intolerance and discrimination. As argument
for this position are indications for a relatively high level
Islamophobia cited in Netherlands. From a survey showed
that more than half of the Dutch, non-Muslim school age
fourteen- to sixteen year olds are negative relative
of moslims.2 As one of the causes is negative image
genoemd: "Negative stereotypes of Muslims and negative clichés
of islam, negative messages from parents and best friend
about Muslims and Islam, and the belief that Muslims are a threat
types for security an important effect on the attitude '.
Read more in the monitor
This is the report of an investigation into the identity of Lonsdale youth in the municipality Werkendam. Following this study, the structural problems of discrimination and right-wing utterances by young people from this town. The study was developed in collaboration with Bureau Discriminatiezaken Central and West Brabant and Palette, support center for multicultural development in North Brabant. The study sought to understand the identity of Lonsdale youth. Identity is constructed in different ways and by different stakeholders. It consists of ascriptive and zelfascriptieve aspects, that is to say, the identity which people attach respectively to others and to itself. In this study both aspects have been examined. For this, a qualitative study was conducted, in which use is made of data-triangulation. Data obtained from documents, observations and interviews are combined used to answer the research question.
There are a total 66 newspaper articles analyzed to investigate what image newspapers have the identity of Lonsdale youth. It has emerged that the newspapers construct a stereotype of Lonsdalers, being adapted in more extreme or more moderate sentence depends on the social context. The stereotype is that Lonsdale youth have negative views about immigrants and that they feel threatened by them. In addition, the Lonsdalers attributed extreme right nationalist sympathies and feelings.
The extraordinary and highly consequential electoral successes of radical right parties in Western Europe in the last couple of decades are well documented. The evidence on how these parties’ successes are associated with their anti-immigrant appeals invites the conclusion that such appeals are an easy way to electoral success for minor parties willing to exploit this issue. This paper argues that this is not so, since it is nearly impossible for minor parties to make credible appeals to voters on the immigration issue unless they have reputational shields—a legacy that can be used to fend off accusations of racism and extremism. Not many minor parties deciding to run on the anti-immigrant ticket, it turns out, have such reputational shields. This paper presents newly collected evidence to show that six out of seven anti-immigrant parties failed to achieve sustained electoral success in a period when Europe was in an immigration crisis.
This paper seeks to explain the variation in the success of radical right political parties across ten European political systems over the last several decades. I argue that such parties succeed over the long term only when they both 1) build on pre-existing nationalist organizations and networks and 2) face a permissive rather than repressive political environment. These hypotheses are tested on the cases of Denmark, France, Italy and Sweden. By adding factors such as historical legacies, party organization, and interactions between mainstream parties and far right challengers to the study of radical right parties, we can better understand their divergent trajectories. Ideas about the legitimacy of the radical right also influence the reaction of mainstream challengers to them, and represent a promising topic for future research.
The problem of racist and extremist manifestations among young people in the year 2004 and especially after the murder of Theo van Gogh - 2 november 2004 - Boomed. In the first few months of 2005 have called Lonsdale youth stood almost daily in the media interest. It is a well-known, but to a much lesser extent known phenomenon: many questions to nature, extent and dynamics must be left with no answer.
About the name 'Lonsdale youth' has been much to do. Lonsdale is a British clothing brand that is popular among ravers, even those with extreme right, racist orientation. These cronies commit their clothing brands - not just Lonsdale, but also Pitbull and Hooligan - often wear flashy, so that these brands will act as an external characteristic of these young people. Extreme right, racist cronies were then apparently become so iconic that a reversal has occurred: with 'Lonsdale youth' were not so gradually youth indicated that Lonsdale wear, but the extreme right, racist young ones. Given the seriousness and extent of incidents which these young people attracted attention is the contagion understandable. The well-known sociologist Goffman would speak of "a spoiled identity '. As a result, many young people, however, are also affected wrongly, to say nothing of the clothing brand Lonsdale, that can not be held responsible for abuses of those who wear Lonsdale, making the brand has acquired a negative stigma. Some are of the opinion that therefore should rest a taboo on the name Lonsdale youth. There's something to be said, but negative imaging is to influence our mind and not simply to conceal by giving it another name. We expect that the name Lonsdale youth of limited duration will be, though it is now impossible to foresee exactly when the expiration date has expired.
Read more in the monitor
1. Inleiding
Iconic within the extreme right in the Netherlands are currently unorganized
(groups) individuals and youth subcultures that in many ways, and whether or not politically motivated propagate an extreme right-wing or racist message. More and more indigenous youth use extreme right symbols to emphasize their identity.
Because different immigrant youth in the public space also in groups
manifest, comes especially in the smaller towns and secondary schools in the country
regularly to provocations and confrontations. Thereby initiated the provocation is sometimes
of the youths and then the immigrant youth. When incidents on
This way caused the mere outward show of the extreme right
indigenous young enough for major societal resistance. Especially young people
likes to dress in brand Lonsdale, popularly called "Lonsdale youth" called, zijn
last year subject of great social, political and media attention
been. Lonsdale is no more than a British clothing brand that likes to be worn inside the
largest youth subculture in Netherlands. The vast majority of young people that Lonsdale
wear manifests itself without political ideology and loose connections. Although the
problems they create are mainly in the field of public order, , the fact
that some of them dress uniform and uses right-wing extremist symbols, of
perceived right-wing extremist threat emanating from them strengthen.
Read more in the note
The Monitoring racism and the extreme right seeks various forms of racism, extreme right and discrimination - as well as response to these phenomena - to monitor and issue periodic reports. The initiative for this project is mid-nineties adopted by the Leiden University.
Since the fourth report, the monitoring project is run jointly by Leiden University and the Anne Frank Foundation. The usefulness of periodic monitoring report is diverse. It is based on a fixed yardstick 'the balance of the principal manifestations and incidents of racial discrimination, racism and right-wing extremism, and the development of strategies to combat. The reports are politicians, directors and representatives of civil society put in a position to reflect on the problems and come to solving strategies. The reports can contribute by their systematic and periodic character of accumulation of knowledge and understanding. It will also provide insight into developments that occur in the longer term. That applies not only to the recent period but also for the future. The monitor can also contribute to early identification of relevant, new developments. Finally, the report could be helpful in answering the numerous practical questions on this subject from
within- or abroad are made.
Read more in the monitor
Dick Pels describes the development and significance of Pim Fortuyn as a political and media-intellectual. Pels argues that the real challenge of Fortuynism is still insufficient and concluded that the seriousness of the populist criticism of the political establishment has not yet been recognized in its full size. As he evaluates; ideas which style elements are interesting for a new political culture and which should be criticized or contested? Fortuyn was part Pels according to type of dangerous thinkers that a radical friend-enemy uses schedule and according to that model should be driven every political conflict to a head, but saw in him the prototype of the new politician in the media democracy.
3.1 Extreme right
Extreme right in the Netherlands carries out anti-democratic attitudes and opposes the influx and integration of immigrants into Dutch society. At the moment, extreme right in the Netherlands is unable to be considered the continued existence of the democratic legal to threaten seriously. Remain extreme right actions harmful to inter-ethnic relations within the Dutch society. This section discusses the various extreme right-wing movements addressed and discusses the links between extreme right and the LPF / Liveable Flow.
3.1.1 Currents
The AIVD distinguishes roughly three streams within the extreme right. First, there are the representatives of the so-called civil extreme right '. They honor xenophobic and ultranationalist views, but have conformed to democratic mores, partly forced by the courts and public opinion. The neo-Nazi organizations are a second form. They argue openly anti-democratic and racist and are also likely to achieve their goals by illegal means. Thirdly, there are unorganized groups of individuals and subcultures, which in many different ways and may or may not politically motivated, engaged in the propagation of an extreme right-wing or racist message. The latter could include the commission of racist violence, extreme right-wing statements on the Internet or distributing sound recordings discriminatory or racist texts.
Read more in the annual report
In the fifth reporting Monitoring racism and the extreme right are the years 2001 and - where possible - 2002 central. The attacks on the United States 11 september 2001 and the murder of Pim Fortuyn 6 May 2002 have had a significant impact on the overall picture of this reporting period. Both events have left deep marks on the interethnic relations in the Netherlands. These traces can be found in the fifth reporting. It is questions like: increases or decreases the number of racist violence in Netherlands? Which right-wing political parties have disappeared and which come in its place? The number of discrimination cases that reaches the public prosecutor or decreases? And what be provided there for business and to what extent that lead to convictions? The initiative for the project Monitoring racism and the extreme right is the mid-nineties taken by the Leiden University. The monitoring project is now jointly conducted by Leiden University and the Anne Frank. This report was made possible with support from the Management Integration and Coordination Minorities of the Ministry of Justice.
Read more in the monitor