Four years ago, the City of Utrecht Wim Vreeswijk managed (1950) not to cash it Wilders effect for his Freedom Party Utrecht (PVU). He still had so done his best to look like the PVV. Vlaams Belang bustle beautiful pamphlets for PVU to reach the people. Vreeswijk try it this year… Read more
Haarlemmermeer Forza! The Netherlands is a far right Fortuynist game since 2010 is represented in the council of the collective municipality of Haarlemmermeer. They started with three councilors, maar 2012 was a turbulent year in which one councilor Forza! left and the former Proud Netherlands councilor Conny de Bree joined them. The core of the… Read more
Bergen op Zoom Party leader Ton Linssen (1952) his party list Linssen has often defends himself. He claims that his party is not racist or extreme right. As alderman works Linssen in Bergen op Zoom along with a broad coalition with VVD and PvdA. Are at the Table Linssen both renegade SP members like Wilders fans welcome,… Read more
In Parliamentary parties usually present with slick election commercials, multicolored promotional leaflets with the priorities, detailed manifestos full of noble plans and Web sites that candidates show their best side. The Anti-Fascist Research Kafka looked even better for the politicians who are now candidates for the parliamentary elections. We viewed the political… Read more
The right-wing extremist Anders Breivik has committed a bomb attack in Norway and killed dozens of people. In a manifesto in which he explains his act Breivik refers several times to the political situation in the Netherlands. According to the AIVD there is little threat from the Dutch extreme right. Is this observation correct? The murder of (fairly randomly chosen) mensen… Read more
The participating parties extreme right or the ordinary right-wing parties that have an appeal to right-wing extremists? If we only look at its conclusions sometimes difficult to pull the party programs. Maybe a look behind the scenes? Which people are involved in this election? The Freedom Party of Geert Wilders but in two counties along…. Read more
All of the Dutch action group Outpost celebrates its thirty-first birthday. In 1976 Outpost was founded in Flanders. It was a product of a troubled period in the Flemish nationalist movement. Moderates and radicals flew together in that period firmly in the hair. That produced a number of new far-right organizations, including a new game, Vlaams… Read more
In recent years we watched regularly representatives “new politics”, to investigate whether there was also of right-wing extremists who joined this. We watched Liveable Netherlands, LPF and various factions that tore from them. It is therefore interesting to see how it is now with. De… Read more
De Nederlandse Volksunie (NVU) takes in five municipalities in the elections. No sooner did the National Socialist Party in so many places along. A growth in the NCE is no question, however,. National Socialism, the NCE is an outspoken extremist party. Strict rassenwetten, anti-Semitism and a National Socialist unit is part of the philosophy of… Read more
New Right is like most extreme right-wing parties in the Netherlands originated from a quarrel and a split of another party. As Michiel Smit in 2003 put out Liveable Rotterdam, Partly because of his ongoing contacts with the Vlaams Blok and the NNP. It soon becomes apparent that the sole fraction Smit pretends a… Read more
(We have all forums only postings on Stormfront illustrating put upon. Otherwise it would be quite confusing many. But he also has posted on many other forums.) 01-09-2004 Wrote on Stormfront: “these youths resist tenminst still active against the destructive developments in our country like Islamisation and blacker in… Read more
Op zondag 22 augustus was het gehucht Steenstrate bij Ieper in Vlaanderen het decor van een merkwaardig samenkomen. Een kleine 5.000 nationalisten herdachten op een afgelegen weiland de gevallenen uit de Eerste Wereldoorlog. Dit gebeurt normaliter op de traditionele IJzerbedevaart, nu een week later. But the radical currents of the Flemish movement has since… Read more
De Raad voor de Journalistiek, een orgaan dat klachten behandelt over de juistheid en zorgvuldigheid van journalistieke publicaties, deed afgelopen 16 april uitspraak in een opmerkelijke zaak. De Jonge Fortuynisten (JF) had een klacht ingediend tegen het NRC Handelsblad over de foto bij een kort artikeltje over een JF-demonstratie. On the photograph was, inter alia,… Read more
Op 10 June, the voters can vote again for the members of the European Parliament. The far-right party New Right does with 25 candidates competing. A number of them has an interesting background. One part is taken from the LPF, but many have had contacts with more radical organizations like the NNP, the… Read more
Late January 2004 made the Amsterdam Wim Beaux known to leave the New National Party and he joined the NNP-splitting “Nationale Alliantie”. This Beaux began his fifth extreme-right party since he 1980 became a member of the Center Party. In this 23 jaar is Fine’ political career all but gone about roses. Shortly after… Read more
Op 11 September, unfolds a bizarre spectacle at the statue of Pim Fortuyn in Rotterdam. There gathers a group of people for a demonstrative procession to the 11 commemorate September attacks in America. The organizing committee particularly wants to commemorate the Dutch victims and expresses its concern about Muslim organizations in the Netherlands… Read more
Dit keer nemen we geen kaderlid, geen leidinggevend figuur maar een ouderwetse straatactivist onder de loep, maar wel een bijzondere: Ben van der Kooi. Hij is 29 jaar oud en vanaf 2000 actief in het extreem-rechtse circuit. Van der Kooi zet zich in voor elke organisatie die hij als radicaal-rechts beschouwt: de Nieuwe Nationale Partij… Read more
Na de totaal mislukte verkiezingsdeelname aan de gemeenteraadsverkiezingen in 2002 tried the Dutch People's Union (NVU) ook dit jaar weer voldoende stemmen te krijgen voor een politiek podium. De partij deed op 11 maart mee aan de Provinciale Statenverkiezingen in Gelderland. Met ruim 1500 stemmen (0,2%) behaalde de partij precies voldoende steun voor 0,15 zetel. De… Read more
Just three months after the installation of the government Balkenende is the chaos within the second ruling party, The LPF, incalculable more. All kinds of different arguments and conflicts plaguing the party. One of the conflicts takes place within the Kamerfractie: The chairman Wijnschenk with his faithful can no longer through one door with Winny de Jong… Read more
Because the LPF has a seat in the House of Representatives election participation considerably simpler. Thus, for example, the party does not in each constituency by thirty eligible citizens are supported with a signature. Discussions within the extreme right circuit shows that there is still support for the LPF exists, but due to the resignation… Read more
Leefbaar Rotterdam raadslid Michiel Smit: “Er is een ding erger dan een Neger, een blanke Neger!” Op 6 maart schudt Rotterdam op zijn grondvesten. Pim Fortuyns Leefbaar Rotterdam haalt bijna 35 procent van de stemmen en komt met zeventien personen in de Rotterdamse raad. De kersverse raadsleden hebben enkele overeenkomsten, but also major differences…. Read more
Het CDA-Eerste Kamerlid Van den Hul-Omta zal “bij wetgeving waakzaam zijn betreffende het door Taalverdediging bepleite”. Haar collega Woldring steunt Taalverdediging van harte en hun partijgenoot Visser-van Doorn, die in de Tweede Kamer zit, kan de meeste doelstellingen onderschrijven. They respond to a letter campaign to the campaign group Taalverdediging all national political parties for their support… Read more
Een woordvoerster van het verzet uit de Tweede Wereldoorlog vond het maar niets dat nota bene een extreem-rechtse partij zich de naam “Verzets-Partij” had aangemeten. Op 20 maart 2000 richtten de nieuwe ‘verzetsstrijders’ Ruben Hubbers (1980) en zijn eega Gaby Hubbers-Plasschaert (1974) deze vereniging op om aan de komende Tweede Kamerverkiezingen mee te kunnen doen…. Read more
Op 8 november worden er in Utrecht gemeenteraadsverkiezingen gehouden. De gemeente Vleuten-De Meern wordt met haar 20 duizend inwoners bij Utrecht gevoegd en zo ontstaat een groter Utrecht met ruim 250 duizend inwoners en extra bouwgrond om nog verder te groeien. Aan de verkiezingen, die bij een dergelijke herindeling vereist zijn, does the far-right party… Read more
In 1998 verdwenen de extreem-rechtse partijen van het politieke toneel omdat bijna alle zetels verloren gingen. Bíjna alle, want in twee steden wist extreem-rechts zich te handhaven. In Schiedam mocht CD’er Ad Bierhuizen zijn nietszeggende aanwezigheid met vier jaar verlengen en in Utrecht werd Wim Vreeswijk voor de vijfde keer op rij herkozen. Wim (Willem… Read more
Els Suter from Almere conscience. In februari 1999 they are looking for, along with thirty other members of the Society Our Language, good spirits the press. De dertig hebben een initiatiefgroep opgericht om iets te doen aan het onnodig gebruik van Engelse woorden in de Nederlandse taal. Needless English immediate reason for the… Read more
The Flemish nationalist Yzerbedevaart Diksmuide (Belgium) This year has expired quietly. In recent years there is often talk of fuss and hassle, but this time it was not a trace. The Saturday evening before the actual pilgrimage (Saturday 28 augustus) is traditionally a celebration for all kinds of far-right figures from across Europe. The café “The Court of… Read more
It is the list of connection Centre Democrats / Conservative Democrats party leader with Chiel King by far not managed to get a seat in the European parliament. From kiesdeler (at approximately 3% team) was missed by half a percent of the votes. Nevertheless voted almost 18.000 not at home on the CD. in particular in Limburg (0,7%)… Read more
Zaterdag 27 March the annual contact day of Voorpost Netherlands Hilversum. Among those present were several board members of the NNP and Chiel King pulls the CD table at the next European elections. At this meeting, the Vlaams Blok party leader spoke in Brussels, Johan de Mol on the theme 'Safety'. This topic choice is given… Read more
In november 1996, around the time of the schism within the vicissitudes CP'86, saw a new far-right organization view: The Dutch Student (NLSV(1)) before: The Dutch Student, see box at bottom of article. She posed as a 'regular’ student, but that is certainly not. The NLSV calls himself a conscious association for Dutch students… Read more
Some time before the municipal elections 1998 Some active fascists began discussions on the future of the extreme right in the Netherlands. Involved included the People's Nationalists Netherlands (VNN), some CD'ers and Outpost. Wim Vreeswijk of Dutch Block was just the party. On the one hand expecting a severe loss in elections and… Read more
Dutch Block end up doing only in the province of Utrecht with. The party has in the city of Utrecht a council office and home. An attempt to participate in Friesland will play on a shortage of supportive statements. Utrecht is absolutely no shortage, rather the opposite; the party has no less than… Read more
Besides Utrecht wanted Dutch Block also get involved in Friesland. However, the intended party leader Hendrik Sybrandy got its act together on time around. With great effort he finally managed 28 declarations of support to collect, two too little so. In addition, two candidates failed to make a written statement in which they agreed with their… Read more
In 1980 begins Egbert Perée (1924) his extreme right career at the far right 'Referendum Netherlands ". This is a group that is primarily concerned with the ending of consultation evenings and sending letters to the editor. Referendum Netherlands has only one message: 'Foreigners Out!’. As contact address Perée uses the mailbox of the National Party Netherlands, a precursor… Read more
In its efforts to meet the real politics to participate Vlaams Blok has lately should leave some feathers. Especially on the far right wing of the party rumbling lot. Concessions does the Bloc to the established parties after the municipal elections 1999 bring to govern… Read more
Establishment In 1992 take a number of Dutch right-wing parties to participate in a series of merger meetings led by Vlaams Blok leader Filip de Winter. If this attempted merger would succeed should be called the Dutch Party Block. Alfred Vierling, Ton However Steemers and Hans Lindenburg make this plan impossible in August 1992 a new… Read more
To give an overview of the history of the Yzerbedevaart, do you have to write a history of Flemish nationalism. This goes back to the last century. However, the immediate cause for the beginning of the pilgrimage was the Flemish suffering in World War I, that's why I have this historical sketch here… Read more
Wim Elsthout, the Crown Prince of Janmaat, has been running for quite a while in the CD. Occasionally he featured in the 'flashy’ verkiezingsspotjes en in december 1997 he is the third member of each CD after Cor Zonneveld deceased. Behind the scenes, he is very active for the CD. He sits… Read more
After the local elections of March municipal anti-fascists took a sigh of relief. Here and there, there was even a pronounced jubilant: Extreme right won two seats at 88 in 1984. Utrecht remains Wim Vreeswijk keep behalf Dutch Block seat on the city council and in Schiedam Ad Beerhouses returns for a second term of office back. Were further… Read more
Marcel Rüter is undoubtedly one of the most prominent people in extreme right in the Netherlands. The stranger so that no one has ever heard of him or has any idea how he looks. This has to do with the other side of Rüter. In addition to his political activities, he also has a successful social career,… Read more
The twentieth edition of the Yzerwake yesterday, Sunday 29 augustus 2021, in Steenstrate near Ypres, had the lowest turnout ever. A happy accident, In all perspectives.
It's time, says the world renowned political scientist Cas Mudde (52): radical on the right has become mainstream complete. A conversation about how it has achieved, and where we are now - from xenophobia to sexism. "People like Thierry Baudet to be a taboo breaker, which allegedly testifies of guts. "
This month the European Parliament elections. In many European countries is growing extreme right and that trend could continue in the European Parliament. An overview of the countries with the most striking shift to the right.
Op 18 march in Amsterdam will be a demonstration against the rise of far-right parties in the Dutch local elections. In late January sent the Forum for Democracy tweet, they left parties accused to the debate out of the way and to conclude a far-left alliance sample including anti-fascists (Antifa).1 After a public debate of a few days decided to pull various parties withdrew from the initiative.
However, it was the Animal party who took the first decision. The Amsterdam party leader Johnas Lambs tweeted that the PvdD against racism, but will not protest against legitimate democratic parties.2
In the Netherlands protested more and brighter against the arrival of refugees, Meanwhile, the Fleming appears to respond relatively calm. This is evident from an analysis of the responses to the arrival of asylum seekers in recent months. Much has to do with the one-man party of Geert Wilders.
This thesis concerns the international contacts of the Centrumdemocraten and how the leader of the radical right party influenced the international contacts. I thought of the topic due to my interest in political leadership and the radical right. I had read a lot about the international contacts of the current day radical right and was wondering if the radical right formed a transnational network in the past. This precise topic was not one I had looked into during my bachelor’s and master’s degree. I did study a wide breadth of topics. This included courses on neoliberalism, energy transitions, in and out groups in societies, formations of states and political leadership. However political leadership and the radical right have been the most interesting topics to me.
Language affects the way we look at reality and calling judge and associations. For this reason, language is an important tool for politicians: language they can use for their own success. Very successful politicians in recent years are those with a populist slant. In this examination, language and populism together, in the form of an analysis of the grammatical features of speeches Baudet, a new politician in parliament and also called a populist.
Radical right-wing populist parties, such as Geert Wilders’ Party for Freedom, Marine Le Pen’s National Front or Nigel Farage’s UKIP, are becoming increasingly influential in Western European democracies. Their electoral support is growing, their impact on policy-making is substantial, and in recent years several radical right-wing populist parties have assumed office or supported minority governments.
Are these developments the cause and/or consequence of the mainstreaming of radical right-wing populist parties? Have radical right-wing populist parties expanded their issue profiles, moderated their policy positions, toned down their anti-establishment rhetoric and shed their extreme right reputations to attract more voters and/or become coalition partners? This timely book answers these questions on the basis of both comparative research and a wide range of case studies, covering Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, France, the Netherlands, Norway, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom.
Analysing the extent to which radical right-wing populist parties have become part of mainstream politics, as well as the factors and conditions which facilitate this trend, this book is essential reading for students and scholars working in European politics, in addition to anyone interested in party politics and current affairs more generally.
This paper has been prepared by the Institute for Strategic Dialogue as a background briefing for the European Policy Planners’ Network on Countering Polarisation and Radicalisation (VAT). It aims to provide an overview of recent developments in far-right extremism across Europe, highlight case studies of projects seeking to combat this threat, and offer practical lessons learned for policy makers and frontline workers.
Politiek in de marge
Issues of immigration and the integration of foreigners have become topics of heated debate in the public and political arena in modern European democracies. According to Koopmans and colleagues (2005: 3) ‘immigration and ethnic relations (…) constitute since the early 1990s the most prominent and controversial fields of political contention in West European polities’. Parallel to this development, support for anti-immigration parties has increased in several Western European countries. Examples are the French National Front, the Austrian Freedom Party and the Flemish Bloc (since 2004 Flemish Interest) in Belgium. The Netherlands is an interesting case in the European context, because the right-wing populist challenge was rather ‘slow in coming’ (Kriesi et al. 2006: 163). A significant electoral performance of the far-right did not take place until 2002 and it had also failed to make any significant impact on the public debate until relatively recently. The Netherlands was therefore for long considered a ‘deviant case’ (Rydgren and Van Holsteyn 2004), just like for example Sweden, as the country met most conditions that according to established theories explain the emergence of far-right parties elsewhere, but these parties still remained relatively unsuccessful.
This article presents an agency-based approach to the success of radical right-wing populist parties. It posits that radical right parties will only experience sustained electoral success when they are built prior to their electoral breakthrough and when they institutionalise rapidly. The process of institutionalisation will progress more quickly when radical right parties have a leader with strong internal leadership qualities and when sufficient attention is paid to the recruitment, training and socialisation of candidates. The argument is illustrated through a comparison between two Dutch radical right parties: the Lijst Pim Fortuyn (LPF) and the Partij Voor de Vrijheid (PVV). The two cases offer a compelling example of learning effects in politics: Geert Wilders (PVV) observed the collapse of the LPF and has avoided making the same mistakes.
Until a few years ago, little was known about radicalization in the municipality
Rotterdam. In 2005 Joining the program starts or Get Left Behind; Rotterdam
action against radicalization (paying special attention has shifted
on Islamic radicalization). Simultaneously start a central information: Switching the Information Radicalization (ISPR)1. This information point will - in addition to the police
also information and intelligence on extremism and radicalization in the region gathers
- signs of radicalization and extremism together from municipal services,
parishes, affiliated with the government institutions and front line workers.
is extremely right for the municipalities within the Rotterdam-Rijnmond region not
a new phenomenon. The ISPR brings an annual report with a date
picture of the nature and extent of radicalization, including the extreme right.
Assure full color Alert! Kafka and see what symbolism is used in clothing and on by right-wing extremist youth in the Netherlands and through which words and combinations of those numbers to the outside world and communicate each other that they hold racist views on after. Even if the background history of skinheads in Netherlands, the rise of cronies and more. A must for anyone professionally or voluntarily working with these young people. De brochure is april 2008 in a revised edition published.
Fortuyn's famous slogan "I say what I think" has not in recent years
only gained widespread imitation, but also led to fierce discussions
about the limits of freedom of expression. Begin 2006, during
global outcry over the Danish Mohammed cartoons', pleaded vvd-
MP Ayaan Hirsi Ali for "the right to beledigen'.1 A Danish
prints was an image of the Prophet Mohammed with a turban in
the shape of a bomb with lit fuse. This cartoon was shown 2008
a starring role in the film Wilders, Fitna, which already has also led to
heated discussions about the limits of freedom of expression. Now That
which borders have shifted and that more can be said than before
seems clear. A striking example is the uproar over the
police raid in May 2008 a Dutch cartoonist 'Gregory
Shot in the neck "which for years has been criticized Islam. The Arrest
the cartoonist, who was suspected of the prohibitions on discrimination
to have violated, aroused great public and political outrage.
Cartoons should be able to, as was widely argued, regardless of
their content. The question of where the limits of free expression than
it should be, remained in the background. However, in discussions
in recent years increasingly argued that the border should
be drawn at inciting violence.
But, as others say, without inciting violence large
harm be done, because the expanded freedoms of expression
influence on the occurrence of intolerance and discrimination. As argument
for this position are indications for a relatively high level
Islamophobia cited in Netherlands. From a survey showed
that more than half of the Dutch, non-Muslim school age
fourteen- to sixteen year olds are negative relative
of moslims.2 As one of the causes is negative image
genoemd: "Negative stereotypes of Muslims and negative clichés
of islam, negative messages from parents and best friend
about Muslims and Islam, and the belief that Muslims are a threat
types for security an important effect on the attitude '.
Read more in the monitor
This is the report of an investigation into the identity of Lonsdale youth in the municipality Werkendam. Following this study, the structural problems of discrimination and right-wing utterances by young people from this town. The study was developed in collaboration with Bureau Discriminatiezaken Central and West Brabant and Palette, support center for multicultural development in North Brabant. The study sought to understand the identity of Lonsdale youth. Identity is constructed in different ways and by different stakeholders. It consists of ascriptive and zelfascriptieve aspects, that is to say, the identity which people attach respectively to others and to itself. In this study both aspects have been examined. For this, a qualitative study was conducted, in which use is made of data-triangulation. Data obtained from documents, observations and interviews are combined used to answer the research question.
There are a total 66 newspaper articles analyzed to investigate what image newspapers have the identity of Lonsdale youth. It has emerged that the newspapers construct a stereotype of Lonsdalers, being adapted in more extreme or more moderate sentence depends on the social context. The stereotype is that Lonsdale youth have negative views about immigrants and that they feel threatened by them. In addition, the Lonsdalers attributed extreme right nationalist sympathies and feelings.
With the Racism & Extremism seeks various forms of racism, extremism and anti-Semitism - and reactions to these phenomena - to
monitor and issue periodic reports. First we will look at the phenomena: how do racism, extremism and anti-Semitism in the Dutch society. One could look at the expression, such as politically organized racism, and to the exclusion form, eg catering discrimination. Some symptoms are limited by their nature not to the Dutch territory, such as discrimination on the Internet. In such cases, the extra-territorial context is taken into account. Fixed pattern in the monitoring study is the attempt as much as possible to identify different kinds of victims and perpetrators. This exercise can relate to both natives and foreigners, including the latter let divide again in various minority groups. The response to racism, extremism and anti-Semitism can be different in nature, from educational to legal. Usually the nature of the response depending on the appearance of the discrimination, the category of victims and the background of the perpetrators. In addition, some forms of response to coexist or even synergistic. Regular monitoring of the phenomena, victims, the perpetrators and the response serves several purposes. In this way we try to contribute to the understanding of the fight against racism, extremism and anti-Semitism. Furthermore, accumulation of knowledge rather than the fixed system and the periodicity of the study. Finally, there is an image obtained by developments in the long run and makes suggestions based on past experience for future solutions.
Read more in the monitor
5 January – Melding via Kafka: Wolvega brings a 21-year-old man the Hitler salute
to two passing officers. He will be fined and say sorry to
hebben.
15 January – At the football match Roda JC Schalke 04 brings a German man
the Hitler salute. He will be fined € 260.
maart – Melding via Kafka: A native of Zwolle bringing the Hitler salute to
police. It is on purpose 9 april 2004 condemned.
mei-december – Reporting to ADB Hague, Kafka: During these months
devotes message (Scheveningen, Duindorp, Lekstraat and Papendrecht) van stickers
with a male who throws a Star of David in a trash. Text: "You Resistance
against the lie '.
Read more in the Annual Review
The Monitoring racism and the extreme right seeks various forms of racism, extreme right and discrimination - as well as response to these phenomena - to monitor and issue periodic reports. The initiative for this project is mid-nineties adopted by the Leiden University.
Since the fourth report, the monitoring project is run jointly by Leiden University and the Anne Frank Foundation. The usefulness of periodic monitoring report is diverse. It is based on a fixed yardstick 'the balance of the principal manifestations and incidents of racial discrimination, racism and right-wing extremism, and the development of strategies to combat. The reports are politicians, directors and representatives of civil society put in a position to reflect on the problems and come to solving strategies. The reports can contribute by their systematic and periodic character of accumulation of knowledge and understanding. It will also provide insight into developments that occur in the longer term. That applies not only to the recent period but also for the future. The monitor can also contribute to early identification of relevant, new developments. Finally, the report could be helpful in answering the numerous practical questions on this subject from
within- or abroad are made.
Read more in the monitor
Is there in our country evidence of increasing or decreasing racial violence? How is it with the tolerance in the Netherlands? Has the local policy against discrimination catering success or keep the number of complaints? To answer these questions it is important that research is conducted to periodically monitor the manifestations of racial discrimination and extreme right. This interest is mid-nineties recognized by the University of Leiden and there is the project Monitoring racism and the extreme right developed. Currently the project is implemented by the Leiden University in cooperation with the Anne Frank Foundation and with support from the Ministry of the Interior and Kingdom Relations. Research Monitor is an internationally recognized tool for the detection of racism and discrimination, and developing policies against. In 1999 was in Vienna the European Monitoring Centre on Racism
Xenophobia and start. The Vienna Observatory seeks to follow developments in the European Union and analyzed using national monitoring centers. The project Monitoring racism and the extreme right is an important source for the supply of data to the European Monitoring Centre. In the European Directive 29 juni 2000 equal treatment of persons on the grounds of racial or ethnic origin is also included a monitor provision: after the conclusion of the national regulatory (physical appearance) 2003 shall, with effect from 2005 every five years report to be done on the effectiveness of those national measures.
Read more in the monitor
With extreme right parties in government in Austria and Italy, and Jean-Marie Le Pen contesting the run-off in the 2002 presidential elections in France, few people will dispute their continuing relevance in the politics of Western Europe. Indeed, ever since the first small electoral successes of parties like the Centrumpartij in the Netherlands or the Front National in France in the early 1980s, the extreme right has been the most discussed group of parties both in and outside of the scholarly community. Thousands of newspaper articles and hundreds of pieces of scholarly work have been devoted to extreme right parties, predominantly describing their history, leaders or electoral successes, as well as proclaiming their danger. Remarkably little serious attention has been devoted to their ideology, however. This aspect of the extreme right has been considered to be known to everyone. The few scholars that did devote attention to the ideology of the contemporary extreme right parties have primarily been concerned with pointing out similarities with the fascist and National Socialist ideologies of the pre-war period. If the similarities were not found, this was often taken as ‘proof ’ that the extreme right hides its (true) ideologies, rather than as a motivation to look in a different direction.
The Extreme Right has always been weak and fragmented in the Netherlands. It lacked an
ideological tradition as well as a solid social base. A landowning aristocracy no longer played
a significant role in Dutch politics in the nineteenth century – power had shifted to a patrician
bourgeoisie already in the Dutch Republic (1588-1795). Moreover, the Dutch did not have to
deal with a national question that could have given rise to a nationalist movement with
extremist tendencies. It is true, reactionary anti-democratic forces did emerge in the late
nineteenth century, but they were divided between Liberal, Catholic and Calvinist parties.
Only has survived until today, the Reformed State Party (Reformed Political Party ,
SGP). This party has come to accept democracy in practice, but not in theory. It would like to
replace universal suffrage by ‘organic suffrage’, I.E. give the right to vote only to (male)
heads of households.3 However, it is not a nationalist, racist or xenophobic party.4 Since 1925
it has occupied two or three seats in parliament.
How intolerant towards native Dutch immigrants? Almost
25 year assesses the Social and Cultural Planning Office (SCP) public opinion on
immigrants and publishes regularly about. In the late eighties, early
ninety we see a slight hardening of the climate of opinion, but according to the
SCP there are generally few changes. Just About 80% of the
population thinks that natives and immigrants should have equal treatment
have at distribution issues, such as housing and employment.
Just About 13% of the indigenous population rejects
immigrants. Just About 50% of the indigenous population is against immigration
opposed.
Regarding this last NIPO found in 1998 a different outcome:1 not
half, but three-quarters of the native Dutch against further
Immigration opposed. There is - according to the NIPO - a growing support for
immigration restrictions while confidence in integration and
adjustment of immigrants decreases. NIPO found this trend going on
Polls in the years 1993, 1995 en 1998.
Eind 1999 showed another NIPO survey, one third of the Dutch
opposes the granting of asylum to political or economic
vluchtelingen.2 thirds of the Dutch have supported policies
government for political refugees who fear for their own country
their lives to give asylum. About half of the respondents felt that
seekers give nuisance. Further thought about forty percent that asylum seekers
on average, are more criminal than Dutch.
Read more in the monitor
This is the second report of the project Monitoring racism and the extreme right, that was commissioned by the Ministry of the Interior and Kingdom Relations. The monitoring project has two main objectives:
1. monitor racism and the extreme right: the observation of these phenomena in the Netherlands, as well as the government response to these phenomena; periodic reporting, in two ways:
(a) 'General report': a general reporting on the basis of a fixed pattern;
(b) a floor battle ': reporting to a special subject is exposed.
2. The periodicity of the project means that displays a general report in one year and the other a 'floor battle'. The first report of 1997 was a general, which involves a broad picture of the phenomena of racism and the extreme right in the Netherlands, as well as government responses. Also those of the coming year (1999) a general report will be. This present second report is devoted to a special’ subject matter: the relationship between the media and also racism and the extreme right.
Read more in the monitor
This is the first report of the project Monitoring racism and the extreme right that was commissioned by the Ministry of the Interior. Under 'racism’ are also understood: antisemitisme, rasvooroordeel, Xenophobia, xenophobia en rasdiscriminatie. The monitor works are not exclusively focused on racist, but also to combat these phenomena.
The project has two objectives:
1. Permanent monitoring of racism and anti-racism
2. periodic reporting on the key findings
The utility of periodic reporting has many. Annually took stock based on a fixed pattern of the main manifestations of racism and right-wing extremism, and the development of strategies to combat. The reports can contribute by their systematic and periodic character of accumulation of knowledge and insights. It provides insight into developments that occur in the longer term. This applies not only to the past period but also the future.
The monitor can contribute to early identification of relevant, new developments.
The overall research question is:
1. How are expressions of (racist) right-wing extremism (in Nederland) developed?
2. which patterns of response have been there?
Read more in the monitor
The Dutch party system has always been fragmented and rich in variety. The
Extreme Right has suffered from fragmentation and pillarization, too. Though
it has gained some ground in recent years, it seems still weak in comparison
with its German, French or Italian counterparts. When discussing its prospects
for the future, we must distinguish between the three varieties of right-wing
extremism th at exist in the Netherlands at present:
Or the extreme right will manifest itself in our armed forces is also an open question. However, one might conclude that all advance, as the armed forces eon reflection ought to be society, there are potential opportunities for growth within the organization for the right-wing extremism. Because of the latent danger that anti-democratic movements within them is imperative that the armed forces binnon attention devoted to possible manifestations of right-wing extremism / racism . Efforts will continue to provide some insight into a number of extreme right-wing groups in the Netherlands, their philosophy, their supporters and the potential danger they may pose to the armed forces. To conclude, efforts will be made to process the content in a number of conclusions and recommendations regarding the armed forces.
P 6
The JFN is a latent violent, by National Socialist refounded, randgroepjongeren group without fixed ideology or organization. It objects in particular to a multi-cultural Netherlands and Europe. Political opponents , Jews and foreigners are colored object of their actions. The group members have no problem with the military service. Often one sees that conscript JFN members are regarded by commanders as a model soldiers. They accept without protest the military hierarchy and are often highly motivated. This sometimes leads to interest in special units such as the Commando Corps and the Marine Corps. As a result, there is the danger that, within certain units armed forces, by JFN supporters initiated, Incidents overlooked or trivialized.
Met dank aan Stichting Argus en Buro Jansen & Janssen voor het openbaar maken van dit stuk
Success for the Centre Democrats (CD) .
By obtaining a seat in the parliamentary elections on 6 September 1989, have the Centre Democrats (CD) with captain Drs list. H.JANMAAT a milestone in the steady rise of the party.
De in juni 1989 European Elections were held with more than 31.000 on the votes cast CD, janmaat already shown that the battle had finally favor of the right-wing voter beating the rival Centre Party '86. The advance of the CD continued since then and eventually resulted in more than 81.000 stemmen (0.9% of the total) During the parliamentary elections. As before, the CD also now booked again the most electoral success in the big cities, whereby in Rotterdam net 3,4% of the votes cast, the highest score.
In light of the relentless negative publicity surrounding the CD and the rather amateurish campaign, characterized additionally filed by civil court proceedings by opponents, is to capture a Lower House seat by janmaat noteworthy.
Read more in the quarterly report
Co made possible by Stichting Argus en Buro Jansen & Janssen