Zo actief als Eite Homan eind jaren tachtig en begin jaren negentig was, zo rustig is het in Groningen op dit moment. Een verloren hakenkruis-sticker, een enkele kladactie en een arrestatie wegens het deelnemen aan voetbalrellen. Het lijkt er sterk op dat Homan zijn geloof in de Nederlandse Nationaal-Socialistische beweging verloren heeft. As an alternative pointing… Read more
This thesis concerns the international contacts of the Centrumdemocraten and how the leader of the radical right party influenced the international contacts. I thought of the topic due to my interest in political leadership and the radical right. I had read a lot about the international contacts of the current day radical right and was wondering if the radical right formed a transnational network in the past. This precise topic was not one I had looked into during my bachelor’s and master’s degree. I did study a wide breadth of topics. This included courses on neoliberalism, energy transitions, in and out groups in societies, formations of states and political leadership. However political leadership and the radical right have been the most interesting topics to me.
Before you is the update of the 'fact sheet far right Dutch municipalities' dated March 2017, in which a current picture sketched by the extreme right-wing organizations active in the Netherlands. This fact sheet should provide insight into the extent, Geographically, meaning and involvement in violent incidents of various extreme right-wing organizations in Netherlands. The composition of the list of organizations and presented facts about these organizations gathered under the Project Monitor Racism, Anti-Semitism and extreme right violence in the Netherlands.
Assure full color Alert! Kafka and see what symbolism is used in clothing and on by right-wing extremist youth in the Netherlands and through which words and combinations of those numbers to the outside world and communicate each other that they hold racist views on after. Even if the background history of skinheads in Netherlands, the rise of cronies and more. A must for anyone professionally or voluntarily working with these young people. De brochure is april 2008 in a revised edition published.
With extreme right parties in government in Austria and Italy, and Jean-Marie Le Pen contesting the run-off in the 2002 presidential elections in France, few people will dispute their continuing relevance in the politics of Western Europe. Indeed, ever since the first small electoral successes of parties like the Centrumpartij in the Netherlands or the Front National in France in the early 1980s, the extreme right has been the most discussed group of parties both in and outside of the scholarly community. Thousands of newspaper articles and hundreds of pieces of scholarly work have been devoted to extreme right parties, predominantly describing their history, leaders or electoral successes, as well as proclaiming their danger. Remarkably little serious attention has been devoted to their ideology, however. This aspect of the extreme right has been considered to be known to everyone. The few scholars that did devote attention to the ideology of the contemporary extreme right parties have primarily been concerned with pointing out similarities with the fascist and National Socialist ideologies of the pre-war period. If the similarities were not found, this was often taken as ‘proof ’ that the extreme right hides its (true) ideologies, rather than as a motivation to look in a different direction.
The Extreme Right has always been weak and fragmented in the Netherlands. It lacked an
ideological tradition as well as a solid social base. A landowning aristocracy no longer played
a significant role in Dutch politics in the nineteenth century – power had shifted to a patrician
bourgeoisie already in the Dutch Republic (1588-1795). Moreover, the Dutch did not have to
deal with a national question that could have given rise to a nationalist movement with
extremist tendencies. It is true, reactionary anti-democratic forces did emerge in the late
nineteenth century, but they were divided between Liberal, Catholic and Calvinist parties.
Only has survived until today, the Reformed State Party (Reformed Political Party ,
SGP). This party has come to accept democracy in practice, but not in theory. It would like to
replace universal suffrage by ‘organic suffrage’, I.E. give the right to vote only to (male)
heads of households.3 However, it is not a nationalist, racist or xenophobic party.4 Since 1925
it has occupied two or three seats in parliament.
How intolerant towards native Dutch immigrants? Almost
25 year assesses the Social and Cultural Planning Office (SCP) public opinion on
immigrants and publishes regularly about. In the late eighties, early
ninety we see a slight hardening of the climate of opinion, but according to the
SCP there are generally few changes. Just About 80% of the
population thinks that natives and immigrants should have equal treatment
have at distribution issues, such as housing and employment.
Just About 13% of the indigenous population rejects
immigrants. Just About 50% of the indigenous population is against immigration
opposed.
Regarding this last NIPO found in 1998 a different outcome:1 not
half, but three-quarters of the native Dutch against further
Immigration opposed. There is - according to the NIPO - a growing support for
immigration restrictions while confidence in integration and
adjustment of immigrants decreases. NIPO found this trend going on
Polls in the years 1993, 1995 en 1998.
Eind 1999 showed another NIPO survey, one third of the Dutch
opposes the granting of asylum to political or economic
vluchtelingen.2 thirds of the Dutch have supported policies
government for political refugees who fear for their own country
their lives to give asylum. About half of the respondents felt that
seekers give nuisance. Further thought about forty percent that asylum seekers
on average, are more criminal than Dutch.
Read more in the monitor
Beschrijvingen van MIVD over een dienstplichtige militairen uit Jongeren Front Nederland (JFN) hoek. Deze blijken illegaal wapens en bommateriaal te bezitten. Twee daders of mensen uit de kring van de JFN bomaanslagplegers in 1986 bij een Turks theehuis in Rotterdam blijken elkaar tijdens militaire dienst te hebben leren kennen.
Further articles about Eite Homan and Jan Donders.
“Betr gaf als verklaring dat hij zeer gefascineerd is door alles wat met internationaal terrorisme te maken heeft. Hij zou nooit de bedoeling hebben gehad om de zelf
gemaakte bommen daadwerkelijk te gebruiken. Hij wilde slechts experimenteren met de explosieven.”
Met dank aan Stichting Argus en Buro Jansen & Janssen voor het openbaar maken van dit stuk