Late January 2004 made the Amsterdam Wim Beaux known to leave the New National Party and he joined the NNP-splitting “Nationale Alliantie”. This Beaux began his fifth extreme-right party since he 1980 became a member of the Center Party. In this 23 jaar is Fine’ political career all but gone about roses. Shortly after… Read more
Zaterdag 13 January 2001 werd Henk Ruitenberg voor de tweede keer in zijn politieke carrière verkozen tot voorzitter van een extreem-rechtse partij. Was hij medio jaren negentig nog voorzitter van de CP’86, inmiddels is hij de leider van de NNP. Ruitenberg bracht de extreme vleugel van het Nederlandse fascisten-landschap iets waar grote behoefte aan was:… Read more
Hans Janmaat verschijnt de laatste tijd regelmatig in de media. Omdat hij niet meer als gevaar gezien wordt, vinden allerlei televisieprogramma’s het amusant om hem als voormalig enfant terrible van de vaderlandse politiek te portretteren. Inderdaad stellen zijn Centrumdemocraten (CD)niets meer voor. Het laatste partijblad is in oktober 1998 verschenen en na het verkiezingsverlies in… Read more
Some time before the municipal elections 1998 Some active fascists began discussions on the future of the extreme right in the Netherlands. Involved included the People's Nationalists Netherlands (VNN), some CD'ers and Outpost. Wim Vreeswijk of Dutch Block was just the party. On the one hand expecting a severe loss in elections and… Read more
De Nieuwe Nationale Partij (NNP) occurs only in municipal elections in Breda note. The party is in July 1998 founded by the People's Nationalists Netherlands (VNN), CD'ers apostate and non-party-aligned right-wing extremists. On behalf of the VNN were especially Marcel Hoogstra and Marc de Boer involved in setting. Chairman is former board member Egbert CP'86 Peree (1924), Secretary VNN former board member… Read more
Besides Utrecht wanted Dutch Block also get involved in Friesland. However, the intended party leader Hendrik Sybrandy got its act together on time around. With great effort he finally managed 28 declarations of support to collect, two too little so. In addition, two candidates failed to make a written statement in which they agreed with their… Read more
In 1980 begins Egbert Perée (1924) his extreme right career at the far right 'Referendum Netherlands ". This is a group that is primarily concerned with the ending of consultation evenings and sending letters to the editor. Referendum Netherlands has only one message: 'Foreigners Out!’. As contact address Perée uses the mailbox of the National Party Netherlands, a precursor… Read more
In the fifth reporting Monitoring racism and the extreme right are the years 2001 and - where possible - 2002 central. The attacks on the United States 11 september 2001 and the murder of Pim Fortuyn 6 May 2002 have had a significant impact on the overall picture of this reporting period. Both events have left deep marks on the interethnic relations in the Netherlands. These traces can be found in the fifth reporting. It is questions like: increases or decreases the number of racist violence in Netherlands? Which right-wing political parties have disappeared and which come in its place? The number of discrimination cases that reaches the public prosecutor or decreases? And what be provided there for business and to what extent that lead to convictions? The initiative for the project Monitoring racism and the extreme right is the mid-nineties taken by the Leiden University. The monitoring project is now jointly conducted by Leiden University and the Anne Frank. This report was made possible with support from the Management Integration and Coordination Minorities of the Ministry of Justice.
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Is there in our country evidence of increasing or decreasing racial violence? How is it with the tolerance in the Netherlands? Has the local policy against discrimination catering success or keep the number of complaints? To answer these questions it is important that research is conducted to periodically monitor the manifestations of racial discrimination and extreme right. This interest is mid-nineties recognized by the University of Leiden and there is the project Monitoring racism and the extreme right developed. Currently the project is implemented by the Leiden University in cooperation with the Anne Frank Foundation and with support from the Ministry of the Interior and Kingdom Relations. Research Monitor is an internationally recognized tool for the detection of racism and discrimination, and developing policies against. In 1999 was in Vienna the European Monitoring Centre on Racism
Xenophobia and start. The Vienna Observatory seeks to follow developments in the European Union and analyzed using national monitoring centers. The project Monitoring racism and the extreme right is an important source for the supply of data to the European Monitoring Centre. In the European Directive 29 juni 2000 equal treatment of persons on the grounds of racial or ethnic origin is also included a monitor provision: after the conclusion of the national regulatory (physical appearance) 2003 shall, with effect from 2005 every five years report to be done on the effectiveness of those national measures.
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With extreme right parties in government in Austria and Italy, and Jean-Marie Le Pen contesting the run-off in the 2002 presidential elections in France, few people will dispute their continuing relevance in the politics of Western Europe. Indeed, ever since the first small electoral successes of parties like the Centrumpartij in the Netherlands or the Front National in France in the early 1980s, the extreme right has been the most discussed group of parties both in and outside of the scholarly community. Thousands of newspaper articles and hundreds of pieces of scholarly work have been devoted to extreme right parties, predominantly describing their history, leaders or electoral successes, as well as proclaiming their danger. Remarkably little serious attention has been devoted to their ideology, however. This aspect of the extreme right has been considered to be known to everyone. The few scholars that did devote attention to the ideology of the contemporary extreme right parties have primarily been concerned with pointing out similarities with the fascist and National Socialist ideologies of the pre-war period. If the similarities were not found, this was often taken as ‘proof ’ that the extreme right hides its (true) ideologies, rather than as a motivation to look in a different direction.
The Extreme Right has always been weak and fragmented in the Netherlands. It lacked an
ideological tradition as well as a solid social base. A landowning aristocracy no longer played
a significant role in Dutch politics in the nineteenth century – power had shifted to a patrician
bourgeoisie already in the Dutch Republic (1588-1795). Moreover, the Dutch did not have to
deal with a national question that could have given rise to a nationalist movement with
extremist tendencies. It is true, reactionary anti-democratic forces did emerge in the late
nineteenth century, but they were divided between Liberal, Catholic and Calvinist parties.
Only has survived until today, the Reformed State Party (Reformed Political Party ,
SGP). This party has come to accept democracy in practice, but not in theory. It would like to
replace universal suffrage by ‘organic suffrage’, I.E. give the right to vote only to (male)
heads of households.3 However, it is not a nationalist, racist or xenophobic party.4 Since 1925
it has occupied two or three seats in parliament.
How intolerant towards native Dutch immigrants? Almost
25 year assesses the Social and Cultural Planning Office (SCP) public opinion on
immigrants and publishes regularly about. In the late eighties, early
ninety we see a slight hardening of the climate of opinion, but according to the
SCP there are generally few changes. Just About 80% of the
population thinks that natives and immigrants should have equal treatment
have at distribution issues, such as housing and employment.
Just About 13% of the indigenous population rejects
immigrants. Just About 50% of the indigenous population is against immigration
opposed.
Regarding this last NIPO found in 1998 a different outcome:1 not
half, but three-quarters of the native Dutch against further
Immigration opposed. There is - according to the NIPO - a growing support for
immigration restrictions while confidence in integration and
adjustment of immigrants decreases. NIPO found this trend going on
Polls in the years 1993, 1995 en 1998.
Eind 1999 showed another NIPO survey, one third of the Dutch
opposes the granting of asylum to political or economic
vluchtelingen.2 thirds of the Dutch have supported policies
government for political refugees who fear for their own country
their lives to give asylum. About half of the respondents felt that
seekers give nuisance. Further thought about forty percent that asylum seekers
on average, are more criminal than Dutch.
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