In Flevoland PVV takes in Almere, Lelystad and Urk part in municipal elections. Almere gets the PVV competition Fortuynistiche a party with controversial candidates. And in Lelystad we find at two local parties candidates with a history with the Center Party and CP'86. This is a second part of a series of short articles… Read more
Haarlemmermeer Forza! The Netherlands is a far right Fortuynist game since 2010 is represented in the council of the collective municipality of Haarlemmermeer. They started with three councilors, maar 2012 was a turbulent year in which one councilor Forza! left and the former Proud Netherlands councilor Conny de Bree joined them. The core of the… Read more
Axes and De Wolden The new game Decisive Netherlands does in two counties along Drenthe. The founder Koos Visser (1959) Rolled out. After his son was beaten last year by Moroccan youth together, he started a facebook page “Dutch Offensive”, against violence. He acknowledged in the newspaper that the initiative nationalistic and even… Read more
The participating parties extreme right or the ordinary right-wing parties that have an appeal to right-wing extremists? If we only look at its conclusions sometimes difficult to pull the party programs. Maybe a look behind the scenes? Which people are involved in this election? The Freedom Party of Geert Wilders but in two counties along…. Read more
In recent years we watched regularly representatives “new politics”, to investigate whether there was also of right-wing extremists who joined this. We watched Liveable Netherlands, LPF and various factions that tore from them. It is therefore interesting to see how it is now with. De… Read more
It must be said that Emile Ratelband has made an enormous achievement on his election participation. Within a few days he has been handed a well-stocked candidates in all circles. Here, more than 600 people involved in. The other small parties had much more trouble to get this job done and let all kinds… Read more
Just three months after the installation of the government Balkenende is the chaos within the second ruling party, The LPF, incalculable more. All kinds of different arguments and conflicts plaguing the party. One of the conflicts takes place within the Kamerfractie: The chairman Wijnschenk with his faithful can no longer through one door with Winny de Jong… Read more
Because the LPF has a seat in the House of Representatives election participation considerably simpler. Thus, for example, the party does not in each constituency by thirty eligible citizens are supported with a signature. Discussions within the extreme right circuit shows that there is still support for the LPF exists, but due to the resignation… Read more
As if there are not yet enough elections, inhabitants have a number of counties in late November to the polls for municipal reorganization elections. Both in Zwijndrecht in Oss are exciting developments. Livable Zwijndrecht in Zwijndrecht joins the NNP and submitted a list of eleven candidates. The list itself has few surprises: a… Read more
Begin april sloeg de paniek even toe bij de kringcoördinatoren van de Lijst Pim Fortuyn. Hun belangrijkste taak was het verzamelen van minimaal 30 steunhandtekeningen in elk van de 19 kieskringen. Zonder deze handtekeningen kon de partij niet mee doen aan de verkiezingen volgens de kieswet. Minimaal had de partij dus 570 (19 x 30)… Read more
Op 6 maart zijn er gemeenteraadsverkiezingen in meer dan 400 gemeentes in Nederland. Al eerder namen we hiervoor de kandidatenlijsten van extreem-rechtse partijen onder de loep. Het blijkt echter dat lieden uit extreem-rechtse partijen ook opduiken op de kandidatenlijsten van partijen die niet extreem-rechts zijn. Vooral de “Leefbare” partijen hebben aantrekkingskracht. There occurs a plurality… Read more
In Rotterdam, doing both the Dutch People's Union (NVU) as the New National Party (NNP) mee. Moreover, the NNP kandi decodes also in the council Feyenoord. Beide partijen blijken hierbij in hoge mate een beroep te doen op voormalige leden van de CP’86. The Dutch People's Union list of NCE is comprised of four names. Constant Kusters,… Read more
Op 10 juni zal de nieuwe politieke partij Leefbaar Nederland officieel opgericht gaan worden. In april weigerde de partij twee leden vanwege hun extreem-rechtse politieke verleden. Eén van hen tekende hiertegen beroep aan, wat op 10 juni behandeld zal worden. Op die dag zal er ook een nieuw partijbestuur gekozen gaan worden. One of… Read more
The actions of Farmers Defense Force and Agraction last year are in a long tradition of agricultural populism. With Hendrik Koekoek as the most famous mouthpiece. "Statistics don't mean anything to me. I want numbers!’
Hans Smolders won in municipal elections in Tilburg ten seats with his list Smolders Tilburg (LST). It is a gain of five seats. This is the former driver of Pim Fortuyn, the big winner in the Brabant town.
The initiators of Ruben Druiten and Natasha Peters, Both councilor of the local party Citizen Holdings Ede, last week formally established the national party Livable Netherlands, they report in a press release. The fraction of Citizen Holdings is based on Fortuynist reads.
Natasja Peters, originally from St. Oedenrode, is one of the two founders of a new national political party under the name Liveable Netherlands. Peters, Councillor of Citizen Holdings Ede wants to join with fellow councilor Ruben Druiten the parliamentary elections next year.
Another good friend of PVV leader Geert Wilders seeks refuge in the new batch of Bram Moszkowicz. Emeritus Professor David Pinto will come after the former star lawyer on the list for the Netherlands (VNL). VNL Pinto will present next week at the first meeting of the party.
David Pinto comes through Labour, D66, VVD, Amsterdam Live! Liveable Netherlands and later still in the House, for the new right-wing party for Netherlands (VNL)? The director of the Inter-Cultural Institute has opinions expressed sufficient at least for.
It was not nice Wilders. Hero Brinkman left the Freedom Party after internal disagreements. It was the time of the construction of tolerance. After Hero's action PVV could not provide enough seats for a majority in parliament. This was always the seat of Brinkman required.
The European financial and—partly stemming from this—fiscal crisis is the most severe economic crisis to have occurred since the 1920s. As with every crisis of such dimensions, it has created insecurity and doubt about the existing political systems and institutional arrangements. These concerns are being exploited by nationalistic parties and the virulent media, and are solely focused on the national political arena. National selfinterest and prejudices against European neighbours and fellow European citizens are increasing: southern Europeans are portrayed as averse to work and unwilling to reform, northern Europeans as lacking solidarity. Abusive comparisons with Fascism have even been made.
The boost to populist parties and the receptivity of the public to their messages have been facilitated by the current crisis. The magnitude of the electoral gains that populist parties have been able to acquire due to their anti-European slogans and programmes is surprising and worrying. They succeed by delivering apparently straightforward solutions, which are often derived from national interest, to what are actually complex political problems—solutions that have persuasive power amongst a broad audience. This kind of nationalist and anti-European rhetoric endangers not only economic prosperity, but also democracy.
Issues of immigration and the integration of foreigners have become topics of heated debate in the public and political arena in modern European democracies. According to Koopmans and colleagues (2005: 3) ‘immigration and ethnic relations (…) constitute since the early 1990s the most prominent and controversial fields of political contention in West European polities’. Parallel to this development, support for anti-immigration parties has increased in several Western European countries. Examples are the French National Front, the Austrian Freedom Party and the Flemish Bloc (since 2004 Flemish Interest) in Belgium. The Netherlands is an interesting case in the European context, because the right-wing populist challenge was rather ‘slow in coming’ (Kriesi et al. 2006: 163). A significant electoral performance of the far-right did not take place until 2002 and it had also failed to make any significant impact on the public debate until relatively recently. The Netherlands was therefore for long considered a ‘deviant case’ (Rydgren and Van Holsteyn 2004), just like for example Sweden, as the country met most conditions that according to established theories explain the emergence of far-right parties elsewhere, but these parties still remained relatively unsuccessful.
Imagine a pamphlet announcing that the “Muslim Fifth Column is taking over Europe. We will soon be living in Eurabia under sharia law.” Or imagine a pamphlet saying that the “world conspiracy of Jews, this dirty vermin that keeps on returning to pollute our societies, has taken control of the banks and industry again.” In the Netherlands, both pamphlets would provoke public outcry against the authors, since the year is 1989 and we have just stepped out of our time machine to witness the ensuing protest marches and the imminent arrest of the neo-Nazis who distributed these pamphlets. Those were the good old days when the extreme right was small, when mainstream racism and anti-Semitism did not openly exist, and any word or sign of discrimination was immediately attacked by anti-racists, anti-fascist groups and all loyal democrats. In those days, support for the rights of economic immigrants, or guest workers, as they were called back then, was the norm and not the exception. In Western Europe everybody on the left side of the political spectrum had faith in a future of equality and freedom from discrimination, while those on the right who kept silent were branded as racists, or at least apologists. During the 1980s, anti-racist and anti-fascist groups built up considerable popular support, to the extent that anti-racism in the Netherlands became the norm and any dissenting voice was immediately labelled racist or fascist.
This article presents an agency-based approach to the success of radical right-wing populist parties. It posits that radical right parties will only experience sustained electoral success when they are built prior to their electoral breakthrough and when they institutionalise rapidly. The process of institutionalisation will progress more quickly when radical right parties have a leader with strong internal leadership qualities and when sufficient attention is paid to the recruitment, training and socialisation of candidates. The argument is illustrated through a comparison between two Dutch radical right parties: the Lijst Pim Fortuyn (LPF) and the Partij Voor de Vrijheid (PVV). The two cases offer a compelling example of learning effects in politics: Geert Wilders (PVV) observed the collapse of the LPF and has avoided making the same mistakes.
3.1 Extreme right
Extreme right in the Netherlands carries out anti-democratic attitudes and opposes the influx and integration of immigrants into Dutch society. At the moment, extreme right in the Netherlands is unable to be considered the continued existence of the democratic legal to threaten seriously. Remain extreme right actions harmful to inter-ethnic relations within the Dutch society. This section discusses the various extreme right-wing movements addressed and discusses the links between extreme right and the LPF / Liveable Flow.
3.1.1 Currents
The AIVD distinguishes roughly three streams within the extreme right. First, there are the representatives of the so-called civil extreme right '. They honor xenophobic and ultranationalist views, but have conformed to democratic mores, partly forced by the courts and public opinion. The neo-Nazi organizations are a second form. They argue openly anti-democratic and racist and are also likely to achieve their goals by illegal means. Thirdly, there are unorganized groups of individuals and subcultures, which in many different ways and may or may not politically motivated, engaged in the propagation of an extreme right-wing or racist message. The latter could include the commission of racist violence, extreme right-wing statements on the Internet or distributing sound recordings discriminatory or racist texts.
Read more in the annual report
In the fifth reporting Monitoring racism and the extreme right are the years 2001 and - where possible - 2002 central. The attacks on the United States 11 september 2001 and the murder of Pim Fortuyn 6 May 2002 have had a significant impact on the overall picture of this reporting period. Both events have left deep marks on the interethnic relations in the Netherlands. These traces can be found in the fifth reporting. It is questions like: increases or decreases the number of racist violence in Netherlands? Which right-wing political parties have disappeared and which come in its place? The number of discrimination cases that reaches the public prosecutor or decreases? And what be provided there for business and to what extent that lead to convictions? The initiative for the project Monitoring racism and the extreme right is the mid-nineties taken by the Leiden University. The monitoring project is now jointly conducted by Leiden University and the Anne Frank. This report was made possible with support from the Management Integration and Coordination Minorities of the Ministry of Justice.
Read more in the monitor
Is there in our country evidence of increasing or decreasing racial violence? How is it with the tolerance in the Netherlands? Has the local policy against discrimination catering success or keep the number of complaints? To answer these questions it is important that research is conducted to periodically monitor the manifestations of racial discrimination and extreme right. This interest is mid-nineties recognized by the University of Leiden and there is the project Monitoring racism and the extreme right developed. Currently the project is implemented by the Leiden University in cooperation with the Anne Frank Foundation and with support from the Ministry of the Interior and Kingdom Relations. Research Monitor is an internationally recognized tool for the detection of racism and discrimination, and developing policies against. In 1999 was in Vienna the European Monitoring Centre on Racism
Xenophobia and start. The Vienna Observatory seeks to follow developments in the European Union and analyzed using national monitoring centers. The project Monitoring racism and the extreme right is an important source for the supply of data to the European Monitoring Centre. In the European Directive 29 juni 2000 equal treatment of persons on the grounds of racial or ethnic origin is also included a monitor provision: after the conclusion of the national regulatory (physical appearance) 2003 shall, with effect from 2005 every five years report to be done on the effectiveness of those national measures.
Read more in the monitor