Bart Jan Spruyt found the right Bible to express the commitment of the meeting. "Art thou, who is to come ", He cites Matthew 11:3. "Or we for another?"It's a sigh of John, which ended after he had baptized Jesus in prison and wondered whether he was really the savior of doing.
Geert Wilders has his prosecution partly due to a motion sponsored by himself. Hij steunde in 2005 a call to the Public Prosecution (ABOUT) for hate speech, intensive prosecuting racism and discrimination. was the rationale: prevent radicalization and jihadism among young Muslims.
Today is a special day in Dutch political history: it is the birthday of the Party for Freedom (PVV), a party known mostly for its “firebrand” leader, Geert Wilders. Wilders entered Dutch politics as a member of the conservative People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD), but left the party after his increased criticism had marginalized his position within the parliamentary faction. After a short period in the Second Chamber as the “Group Wilders” (a group of one), he founded the PVV – which still operates as part of the Foundation Group Wilders, with one sole member (Wilders).
Last week, Wilders announced that he 2018 wants to participate in the elections for the Rotterdam City Council. While it seems logical that he wants to further expand the PVV, this step is also noteworthy. Not only do some local PVV fractions are no success, Rotterdam PVV supporters are currently already served by the local Liveable Rotterdam. Until recently, the parties seemed to have a non-aggression pact, but that is obviously beyond.
This report contains three studies on the aforementioned questions, conducted by Dutch, Danish and British researchers. The three research groups selected each with its own accent. The Dutch report mainly focuses on the interactions between parents and children, Danish report focuses on the development of young people and the way it is influenced by people and organizations that try to win the young people for their ideology, while the British report situates the radicalization process in the context of the social and political context. The interviews make clear that there is no linear path of certain types of family or parenting practices radicalization. In some cases, only the interviewees indicate the family as the main source of radicalization and de-radicalization. Concerning the latter: own choice (‘agency’), imprisonment and trial, so as a main reason given. The fact that the family was mentioned by almost anyone as a direct cause of radicalization remains that many conversations were reports of various problems that occurred in family atmosphere. In about two-thirds of the families was talk of separation, an absent father, lack of emotional support, psychiatric problems, sickness or death; in some families, there was violence and abuse. We conclude that such circumstances do not explain the radicalization process itself, but it can be a fertile ground for. The anger, for example, young people feel about the role their (absentee) father in the upbringing played -or just did not play- can make them more susceptible to recruitment by extremist organizations. But it seems that there are always other factors must be at play, like the feeling of humiliation or disappointment in the institutions of society. Although each of the stories is unique recorded in this project, precisely in the complex interplay of factors and conditions, signs are quite a few routes to and from radicalization that contain common elements. In this report, these routes are ideally typical journey's' named, a series of transitions that young people go through in their development from childhood to adulthood that usually a lot of navigational assistance required. The journey should not be seen as fixed patterns which fit any young radical by definition, but as an attempt to organization of the complex reality differently is put together for each young.
The European financial and—partly stemming from this—fiscal crisis is the most severe economic crisis to have occurred since the 1920s. As with every crisis of such dimensions, it has created insecurity and doubt about the existing political systems and institutional arrangements. These concerns are being exploited by nationalistic parties and the virulent media, and are solely focused on the national political arena. National selfinterest and prejudices against European neighbours and fellow European citizens are increasing: southern Europeans are portrayed as averse to work and unwilling to reform, northern Europeans as lacking solidarity. Abusive comparisons with Fascism have even been made.
The boost to populist parties and the receptivity of the public to their messages have been facilitated by the current crisis. The magnitude of the electoral gains that populist parties have been able to acquire due to their anti-European slogans and programmes is surprising and worrying. They succeed by delivering apparently straightforward solutions, which are often derived from national interest, to what are actually complex political problems—solutions that have persuasive power amongst a broad audience. This kind of nationalist and anti-European rhetoric endangers not only economic prosperity, but also democracy.
This is the report of an investigation into the identity of Lonsdale youth in the municipality Werkendam. Following this study, the structural problems of discrimination and right-wing utterances by young people from this town. The study was developed in collaboration with Bureau Discriminatiezaken Central and West Brabant and Palette, support center for multicultural development in North Brabant. The study sought to understand the identity of Lonsdale youth. Identity is constructed in different ways and by different stakeholders. It consists of ascriptive and zelfascriptieve aspects, that is to say, the identity which people attach respectively to others and to itself. In this study both aspects have been examined. For this, a qualitative study was conducted, in which use is made of data-triangulation. Data obtained from documents, observations and interviews are combined used to answer the research question.
There are a total 66 newspaper articles analyzed to investigate what image newspapers have the identity of Lonsdale youth. It has emerged that the newspapers construct a stereotype of Lonsdalers, being adapted in more extreme or more moderate sentence depends on the social context. The stereotype is that Lonsdale youth have negative views about immigrants and that they feel threatened by them. In addition, the Lonsdalers attributed extreme right nationalist sympathies and feelings.
The problem of racist and extremist manifestations among young people in the year 2004 and especially after the murder of Theo van Gogh - 2 november 2004 - Boomed. In the first few months of 2005 have called Lonsdale youth stood almost daily in the media interest. It is a well-known, but to a much lesser extent known phenomenon: many questions to nature, extent and dynamics must be left with no answer.
About the name 'Lonsdale youth' has been much to do. Lonsdale is a British clothing brand that is popular among ravers, even those with extreme right, racist orientation. These cronies commit their clothing brands - not just Lonsdale, but also Pitbull and Hooligan - often wear flashy, so that these brands will act as an external characteristic of these young people. Extreme right, racist cronies were then apparently become so iconic that a reversal has occurred: with 'Lonsdale youth' were not so gradually youth indicated that Lonsdale wear, but the extreme right, racist young ones. Given the seriousness and extent of incidents which these young people attracted attention is the contagion understandable. The well-known sociologist Goffman would speak of "a spoiled identity '. As a result, many young people, however, are also affected wrongly, to say nothing of the clothing brand Lonsdale, that can not be held responsible for abuses of those who wear Lonsdale, making the brand has acquired a negative stigma. Some are of the opinion that therefore should rest a taboo on the name Lonsdale youth. There's something to be said, but negative imaging is to influence our mind and not simply to conceal by giving it another name. We expect that the name Lonsdale youth of limited duration will be, though it is now impossible to foresee exactly when the expiration date has expired.
Read more in the monitor
1. Inleiding
Iconic within the extreme right in the Netherlands are currently unorganized
(groups) individuals and youth subcultures that in many ways, and whether or not politically motivated propagate an extreme right-wing or racist message. More and more indigenous youth use extreme right symbols to emphasize their identity.
Because different immigrant youth in the public space also in groups
manifest, comes especially in the smaller towns and secondary schools in the country
regularly to provocations and confrontations. Thereby initiated the provocation is sometimes
of the youths and then the immigrant youth. When incidents on
This way caused the mere outward show of the extreme right
indigenous young enough for major societal resistance. Especially young people
likes to dress in brand Lonsdale, popularly called "Lonsdale youth" called, zijn
last year subject of great social, political and media attention
been. Lonsdale is no more than a British clothing brand that likes to be worn inside the
largest youth subculture in Netherlands. The vast majority of young people that Lonsdale
wear manifests itself without political ideology and loose connections. Although the
problems they create are mainly in the field of public order, , the fact
that some of them dress uniform and uses right-wing extremist symbols, of
perceived right-wing extremist threat emanating from them strengthen.
Read more in the note