Almelo PVA Party Pretty Almelo (PVA) In many respects, the Party for Freedom (PVV) Geert Wilders directed. The visit of the provincial PVV States Group to the PVA in January figures prominently on the website. Now at election time gives the PVA thus clear signal that the potential… Read more
In Parliamentary parties usually present with slick election commercials, multicolored promotional leaflets with the priorities, detailed manifestos full of noble plans and Web sites that candidates show their best side. The Anti-Fascist Research Kafka looked even better for the politicians who are now candidates for the parliamentary elections. We viewed the political… Read more
There are countless dreams, theories and strategies' which sets put how you could achieve political ideas. How do you end your ideal society should reach. Infiltrating other, politically more successful organizations is one of them. The extreme right has raised a long history. You need something as ambitious right-wing extremist…. Read more
The participating parties extreme right or the ordinary right-wing parties that have an appeal to right-wing extremists? If we only look at its conclusions sometimes difficult to pull the party programs. Maybe a look behind the scenes? Which people are involved in this election? The Freedom Party of Geert Wilders but in two counties along…. Read more
New Right is like most extreme right-wing parties in the Netherlands originated from a quarrel and a split of another party. As Michiel Smit in 2003 put out Liveable Rotterdam, Partly because of his ongoing contacts with the Vlaams Blok and the NNP. It soon becomes apparent that the sole fraction Smit pretends a… Read more
Besides Utrecht wanted Dutch Block also get involved in Friesland. However, the intended party leader Hendrik Sybrandy got its act together on time around. With great effort he finally managed 28 declarations of support to collect, two too little so. In addition, two candidates failed to make a written statement in which they agreed with their… Read more
The actions of Farmers Defense Force and Agraction last year are in a long tradition of agricultural populism. With Hendrik Koekoek as the most famous mouthpiece. "Statistics don't mean anything to me. I want numbers!’
Before you is the first update of the 'fact sheet far right Dutch municipalities', in which a current picture sketched by the extreme right-wing organizations active in the Netherlands. This fact sheet should provide insight into the extent, Geographically, significance and moved- ment in violent incidents of various right-wing extremist organizations in the Netherlands. The composition of the list of organizations and the presented facts about these organizations verza- mentioned in the context of the Monitor Project Racisme, Anti-Semitism and extreme right violence in the Netherlands . The choice to take certain organizations do and not to follow the defnition and demarcation applicable within that project. This fact sheet is Social Stability commissioned by the Expertise Unit (ESS) written by the Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment. about appliances- responsibility for the content lies with the author.
inds 1961 Provo activist and politician van Duijn was observed by six government departments. In 1970, when van Duijn for municipal elections in Amsterdam Amsterdam behalf Gnome Town emerged as leader, he was kidnapped by the obscure 'Group 7'. Earlier, in the Jordan pamphlets circulated that 10.000 guilder reward uitloofden for the corpse of Van Duijn, 'Staatsgevaarlijke saboteur-provocateur'. Group 7 (also known as 007) consisted include Joop Baank, split from the Peasant Party, en Max Lewin, president of the New Right, a forerunner of the later Centre Party Janmaat. Lewin was also editor of the Free Press, which the current PVV MP Raymond de Roon wrote an article warning about sedition and released a tribute to the military regime in Greece. Kick Koster, later candidate for Mokum Mobile, was the third kidnapper. In februari 1975 by the BVD by chance a bomb attack on the subway in the Bijlmer foiled. The Secret Service maintains three right-wing figures with weapons and explosives. Lewin is considered "intellectual author" designated. Baank was there again, and further Rennie Lion and one A. J. Bosch. For the rest, this comprehensive book is a bizarre reconstruction of secret service operations, while the history of Provo and other forms of resistance. With many pieces from the archives of the various secret services.
In the public discourse dominating the Netherlands after 1945, anti-Semitism and racism – two of the basic elements of (“classical”) right-wing extremism – have tended to be seen as uncharacteristic of Dutch society.1According to many experts, this is attributed to Dutch experiences in the Second World War, as the Netherlands saw the largest percentage of national Jewish populations in Europe killed, after Poland. A guilt complex related to Dutch behaviour during the War has led to what is often called “the basic consensus” on what is “bad” and “good” in Dutch society.
Fortuyn's famous slogan "I say what I think" has not in recent years
only gained widespread imitation, but also led to fierce discussions
about the limits of freedom of expression. Begin 2006, during
global outcry over the Danish Mohammed cartoons', pleaded vvd-
MP Ayaan Hirsi Ali for "the right to beledigen'.1 A Danish
prints was an image of the Prophet Mohammed with a turban in
the shape of a bomb with lit fuse. This cartoon was shown 2008
a starring role in the film Wilders, Fitna, which already has also led to
heated discussions about the limits of freedom of expression. Now That
which borders have shifted and that more can be said than before
seems clear. A striking example is the uproar over the
police raid in May 2008 a Dutch cartoonist 'Gregory
Shot in the neck "which for years has been criticized Islam. The Arrest
the cartoonist, who was suspected of the prohibitions on discrimination
to have violated, aroused great public and political outrage.
Cartoons should be able to, as was widely argued, regardless of
their content. The question of where the limits of free expression than
it should be, remained in the background. However, in discussions
in recent years increasingly argued that the border should
be drawn at inciting violence.
But, as others say, without inciting violence large
harm be done, because the expanded freedoms of expression
influence on the occurrence of intolerance and discrimination. As argument
for this position are indications for a relatively high level
Islamophobia cited in Netherlands. From a survey showed
that more than half of the Dutch, non-Muslim school age
fourteen- to sixteen year olds are negative relative
of moslims.2 As one of the causes is negative image
genoemd: "Negative stereotypes of Muslims and negative clichés
of islam, negative messages from parents and best friend
about Muslims and Islam, and the belief that Muslims are a threat
types for security an important effect on the attitude '.
Read more in the monitor
The problem of racist and extremist manifestations among young people in the year 2004 and especially after the murder of Theo van Gogh - 2 november 2004 - Boomed. In the first few months of 2005 have called Lonsdale youth stood almost daily in the media interest. It is a well-known, but to a much lesser extent known phenomenon: many questions to nature, extent and dynamics must be left with no answer.
About the name 'Lonsdale youth' has been much to do. Lonsdale is a British clothing brand that is popular among ravers, even those with extreme right, racist orientation. These cronies commit their clothing brands - not just Lonsdale, but also Pitbull and Hooligan - often wear flashy, so that these brands will act as an external characteristic of these young people. Extreme right, racist cronies were then apparently become so iconic that a reversal has occurred: with 'Lonsdale youth' were not so gradually youth indicated that Lonsdale wear, but the extreme right, racist young ones. Given the seriousness and extent of incidents which these young people attracted attention is the contagion understandable. The well-known sociologist Goffman would speak of "a spoiled identity '. As a result, many young people, however, are also affected wrongly, to say nothing of the clothing brand Lonsdale, that can not be held responsible for abuses of those who wear Lonsdale, making the brand has acquired a negative stigma. Some are of the opinion that therefore should rest a taboo on the name Lonsdale youth. There's something to be said, but negative imaging is to influence our mind and not simply to conceal by giving it another name. We expect that the name Lonsdale youth of limited duration will be, though it is now impossible to foresee exactly when the expiration date has expired.
Read more in the monitor
In the fifth reporting Monitoring racism and the extreme right are the years 2001 and - where possible - 2002 central. The attacks on the United States 11 september 2001 and the murder of Pim Fortuyn 6 May 2002 have had a significant impact on the overall picture of this reporting period. Both events have left deep marks on the interethnic relations in the Netherlands. These traces can be found in the fifth reporting. It is questions like: increases or decreases the number of racist violence in Netherlands? Which right-wing political parties have disappeared and which come in its place? The number of discrimination cases that reaches the public prosecutor or decreases? And what be provided there for business and to what extent that lead to convictions? The initiative for the project Monitoring racism and the extreme right is the mid-nineties taken by the Leiden University. The monitoring project is now jointly conducted by Leiden University and the Anne Frank. This report was made possible with support from the Management Integration and Coordination Minorities of the Ministry of Justice.
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The Extreme Right has always been weak and fragmented in the Netherlands. It lacked an
ideological tradition as well as a solid social base. A landowning aristocracy no longer played
a significant role in Dutch politics in the nineteenth century – power had shifted to a patrician
bourgeoisie already in the Dutch Republic (1588-1795). Moreover, the Dutch did not have to
deal with a national question that could have given rise to a nationalist movement with
extremist tendencies. It is true, reactionary anti-democratic forces did emerge in the late
nineteenth century, but they were divided between Liberal, Catholic and Calvinist parties.
Only has survived until today, the Reformed State Party (Reformed Political Party ,
SGP). This party has come to accept democracy in practice, but not in theory. It would like to
replace universal suffrage by ‘organic suffrage’, I.E. give the right to vote only to (male)
heads of households.3 However, it is not a nationalist, racist or xenophobic party.4 Since 1925
it has occupied two or three seats in parliament.
This is the second report of the project Monitoring racism and the extreme right, that was commissioned by the Ministry of the Interior and Kingdom Relations. The monitoring project has two main objectives:
1. monitor racism and the extreme right: the observation of these phenomena in the Netherlands, as well as the government response to these phenomena; periodic reporting, in two ways:
(a) 'General report': a general reporting on the basis of a fixed pattern;
(b) a floor battle ': reporting to a special subject is exposed.
2. The periodicity of the project means that displays a general report in one year and the other a 'floor battle'. The first report of 1997 was a general, which involves a broad picture of the phenomena of racism and the extreme right in the Netherlands, as well as government responses. Also those of the coming year (1999) a general report will be. This present second report is devoted to a special’ subject matter: the relationship between the media and also racism and the extreme right.
Read more in the monitor
This is the first report of the project Monitoring racism and the extreme right that was commissioned by the Ministry of the Interior. Under 'racism’ are also understood: antisemitisme, rasvooroordeel, Xenophobia, xenophobia en rasdiscriminatie. The monitor works are not exclusively focused on racist, but also to combat these phenomena.
The project has two objectives:
1. Permanent monitoring of racism and anti-racism
2. periodic reporting on the key findings
The utility of periodic reporting has many. Annually took stock based on a fixed pattern of the main manifestations of racism and right-wing extremism, and the development of strategies to combat. The reports can contribute by their systematic and periodic character of accumulation of knowledge and insights. It provides insight into developments that occur in the longer term. This applies not only to the past period but also the future.
The monitor can contribute to early identification of relevant, new developments.
The overall research question is:
1. How are expressions of (racist) right-wing extremism (in Nederland) developed?
2. which patterns of response have been there?
Read more in the monitor
The Dutch party system has always been fragmented and rich in variety. The
Extreme Right has suffered from fragmentation and pillarization, too. Though
it has gained some ground in recent years, it seems still weak in comparison
with its German, French or Italian counterparts. When discussing its prospects
for the future, we must distinguish between the three varieties of right-wing
extremism th at exist in the Netherlands at present:
THE CENTRE PARTY IN RISE
The municipal elections in Almere have seen some remarkable results given, In the first place the profits of the Centre Party which profit only difficult but can be attributed to its position on the immigration policy. The CP-profit has a lot of responses, provoked allegations and speculations. Some commentators speak of a similar situation as in the thirties (attendance NSB) or draw a comparison with the heyday of the Peasant Party. What is the level of similarities and differences?
History Center Party (CP)
The forerunner of the Centre Party, the National Centre Party (NCP) in December 1979 Amsterdam founded as a new political organization alongside the National Party Netherlands (NPN). The creation of the National Centre Party was partly a
due to the refusal of the mayor of The Hague – two occasions, namely on 24 november in 8 december 1979 – the NPN to grant a demonstration permit. The applications were rejected on the basis of the judgment, that this party would be a fascist and racist organization. This view was also aired in the media, which prompted several groups to send letters of protest against the demonstration.
Read more in the quarterly report
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