General Information- and Security Service Archives - Page 3 of 5

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2023

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The relationship with the extreme right is described:

2.3 Overlap with others (extremist) groups
Anti-institutional extremism is not part of right-wing extremism, or vice versa. Although there is a lot of overlap between the two movements in terms of hostility to the current government and institutions, based on similar underlying narratives, the AIVD sees it as two different movements. The biggest difference lies in the way in which 'the own group' is seen. The right-wing extremist is primarily committed to the "white race" that is considered superior. Dominant within right-wing extremism in the Netherlands is the so-called 'population conspiracy theory' in which right-wing extremists assume that there is a Jewish elite that consciously facilitates mass migration to weaken the 'white race'. As a result of this mass migration, the proportion of white people in the Netherlands is said to be declining, pushing out the so-called white identity. The government would act on behalf of this Jewish elite. Anti-institutional extremists are committed to the people as a whole and see themes such as migration policy as new evidence that the 'evil elite’ to oppress the people, but also see this oppression in a range of other themes. Anti-institutional extremists are not necessarily anti-Semitic, nor do they see the "white race" as superior. Although many messages cited by anti-institutional extremists have anti-Semitic origins, with stories that the elite are made up of families like the Rothschilds, explicit anti-Semitic statements are rarely made. It is generally referred to the elite, without referring to the Jews’ to refer. The AIVD considers it likely that many supporters of the narrative about an 'evil elite’ unfamiliar with the anti-Semitic origins of many conspiracies. The anti-institutional extremist narrative can therefore potentially appeal to a much more ethnically and politically diverse audience. The right-wing extremist narrative is less able to do this because right-wing extremists want to protect the so-called white race and oppose other 'races'. But because of themes such as energy prices, immigration and the housing shortage are, according to both groups, the fault of the government and institutions, can both agree with the narrative about an “evil elite”. The narrative is very versatile and different types of groups join in depending on the theme that appeals to them. This joint aversion to the government and institutions, and the belief in a plot by a powerful elite that rules the roost in the background, unites them. Where these groups overlap, anti-Semitic statements are made, referring to known anti-Semitic elements of messages. Right-wing extremist groups also opportunistically use themes and actions from anti-institutional extremists to reach a larger audience and normalize their own message..
At the same time, there are themes that play an opposite role in both groups. On climate issues, for example, anti-institutional extremists clearly differ from at least some right-wing extremist groups. Where anti-institutional groups see climate policy as the way of the 'evil elite’ to oppress the people, a small proportion of right-wing extremists consider making agriculture more sustainable an important part of nationalism, where nature is treated with care. Another part of the right-wing extremists argues that the ecological crisis encourages mass immigration. According to them, governments and multinationals are the causes of this ecological crisis. Also about what the world should look like without the current 'evil elite', right-wing extremists and anti-institutional extremists have different views. Anti-institutional extremists want the “evil elite’ overthrow in the first place, without a coherent picture of what should happen next. Right-wing extremists want to work towards a new system, in which they have more influence, in order to work towards a society in which the 'white race’ and their way of life are protected.

Except for the overlap with right-wing extremism, are there any, more surprising, signals that some extremists of Islamic extremism are interested in the narrative about an “evil elite”. Conversely, anti-institutional instigators have shown interest in more conservative views of Islam. They can each other, just like the right-wing extremists, probably find in their shared anti-institutional sentiment and conservative values. Although there is some overlap with some left-wing extremist movements in terms of their ideas about, for example, the role of government, little cooperation is visible.

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AIVD jaarverslag 2022

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2023

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On the extreme right:

1.1 Right Terrorism

• The AIVD has in 2022 a number of times a possible right-wing terrorist threat (to help) to prevent.
• The largest on the rightterrorist threat emanates from a new generation of the rightextremists, who mainly interact with each other online.
• Anti-Semitism is central within contemporary right-wing extremist movements.

The threat of right-wing terrorism in the Netherlands is in 2022 not reduced. During the year, the AIVD prevented a possible right-wing terrorist threat on a number of occasions by actively disrupting it. The service also issued five official messages on the subject to the Public Prosecution Service.
The police arrested (on that, among other things) a number of people on suspicion of activities linked to right-wing terrorism. In addition, the AIVD has informed fellow services abroad several times (possible) threats, so they could take action.
Developments abroad strengthen the threat assessment. Right-wing terrorists committed attacks in Slovakia (Bratislava) and the US (Buffalo). And in Belgium and Germany, the police arrested several right-wing extremists who had built up an arsenal of weapons.
The group that poses the greatest right-wing terrorist threat is a relatively new generation of right-wing extremists, consisting of (young) men, who are in international contact with each other online, in varying chat groups, channels and platforms. There they justify and glorify terrorist violence. The largest and most dominant source of inspiration for right-wing terrorist violence is 'accelerationism'. So called because supporters want to accelerate what they see as an impending racial struggle. In their view, violence is a good means for this. They expect this racial struggle to lead to a social revolution in their favor.
Although the composition of the Dutch movement is constantly changing - online profiles are being added, and online profiles disappear again – the size still seems to consist of several hundred followers. Comparable to last year. It is difficult to predict which supporters will actually commit terrorist violence (want) going to use.
Within contemporary right-wing extremism, anti-Semitism is particularly central. Right-wing extremists sometimes use social changes to further propagate their ideology. In this way, they frame demographic changes as a plot by 'the Jewish elite' to consciously weaken the white race.
Their repopulation conspiracy theory states that the so-called elite would work on this through 'repopulation', mixing or replacing 'the white race'. The instrument for this would be to stimulate mass immigration, especially from Islamic and African countries. Immigrants who, in their view, would have more children on average, and have a lower IQ. If that would have sufficiently weakened or diluted the white population, 'the Jewish elite' would then be able to get them under control more easily. Some right-wing extremist groups blame left-wing parties, feminists and the LGBTIQ+ community that they contribute to that perceived development – the latter two, because they would ensure less 'white offspring'.
Inextricably linked to the threat posed in 2022 was based on accelerationism in particular and the right-wing extremist movement in general, is that the ideas are mainly shared online, promoted and discussed. What is characteristic of this is that it is sometimes difficult to distinguish between the different groups, groups and individuals moving through each other. The same profiles can be active in accelerationist chat groups, neoNazi channels, in groups that identify as alt-right (a collective noun, vanaf 2016 brought over from the US, for a new generation of white nationalists who want to 'keep the white race pure' - it is not a coherent group with unified ideas), and ethnonationalist groups (groups that consider the white race to be the basis for a country's national identity and not, for example, shared values or culture).
In channels that do not appear to support terrorist attacks, sympathy can still be expressed for the perpetrators, and hatred and violence can be normalized. Although only a small group of right-wing extremists appear to be in favor of terrorist violence, online, the distinction between supporters and opponents of violence is not always clear. In the right-wing extremist online environment, the culture is so fundamentally contradictory, and his provocation and morbid humor so common, that it is not self-evident who is a supporter, sympathisant of trol is.
A second characteristic of the online landscape is how messages are packaged and distributed. Rarely in a way that is for the unsuspecting (young) viewer or follower is recognizably right-wing extremist. But often packaged as 'humor' in pictures and memes, who are hateful towards one group in particular. For example, LGBTIQ+, of feminists, leftists, non-Western immigrants, Muslims, Jews or politicians. Such images and memes are spread outside their own channels, including in online games, and are often aimed at young people and a broader audience. The AIVD sees a tendency that violent propaganda sometimes creates followers simply because of the violence. Some young viewers are particularly fascinated by the use of weapons and violence. In a number of cases, the right-wing extremist ideology and hatred towards other population groups will only play a role later in the radicalization process.. Young men, that are in international contact with each other, justify and glorify terrorist violence.

1.2 Right-wing extremism
• Non-violent right-wing extremist groups can endanger the democratic legal order of the Netherlands.
• Their ideas can lead to radicalization and are at odds with the way the Netherlands is organized.
• Extremist drivers are trying to take full advantage of social discussions.

To protect the democratic legal order, the AIVD also investigates right-wing extremist groups that do not support terrorist attacks. Because their ideas are at odds with the ideas that are the foundation of the democratic legal order. If their movement were to become substantial in size or influence, it could ultimately endanger the survival of the democratic legal order in the Netherlands.
Non-violent extremist groups can also provide a breeding ground for radicalization, by how they shape adherents socially and ideologically.
Individual adherents can ultimately take the message of terroristembracing oriented movements.

The right-wing extremist movement in the Netherlands is diverse, and consists of a small group of neo-Nazis, groups that are mainly anti-Islam, so-called identitarian groups (who say they strive to 'preserve the national identity' of every country, within clear national boundaries) and people- and ethnonationalists.
What the groups share despite their differences, is the population conspiracy theory. There are also (younger) drivers who hope that they can initiate more cooperation between the various right-wing extremists around that idea in Europesche currents, and that she is such a big one (international) can build movement.
Technical possibilities and the shared language and culture online make this easier than in the past. Yet forming a large movement has not been successful so far. Cultural and ideological differences stand in the way of this.
The greatest threat posed by non-violent right-wing extremist groups, is that they know how to achieve their extreme ideas, conspiracy thinking and (disguised) anti-Semitism is accepted by many people. Right-wing extremist supporters are therefore trying to profit from social issues. For example, they use the political discussion about how much migration is desirable, if (online) elements of the population conspiracy theory
propagate.

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AIVD jaarverslag 2021

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2022

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Within the Netherlands, many threats involved 2021 related to increasing division and hardening in society. Last year the AIVD gained a better view of 'accelerationists': a new generation of young right-wing extremists who glorify terrorist violence in online groups with the aim of: unleashing chaos and race war in the Netherlands. The AIVD also saw part of the anti-government protest radicalize into violent extremism. This was reflected in sometimes public intimidation and vigilance and in (deadly)threats against prominent politicians, among others.

(…)

Right-wing extremism

■ In 2021 right-wing extremist groups gained more support. Conspiracy thinking, among other things, gave this an impulse.
■ Right-wing extremists try to make their worldview seem normal to a larger audience.
■ When right-wing extremist ideas are more widely embraced, threatens to undermine the democratic legal order.
■ Right-wing extremists applaud chaos, exclude minorities and justify violence, hoping for real, violent revolution in the Netherlands.

Despite their differences, share national socialist, People nationalist, alt-right and neo-Nazi groups a worldview in which the white population of (among other) The Netherlands is structurally disadvantaged, and even in pre-existence is threatened by 'repopulation' or genocide. The main source of that threat has been seen in immigration in the recent past, especially from muslim countries. Rond 2015, when ISIS rose and tens of thousands of Syrian refugees came to the West, many new ones emerged, extremist anti-Islam groups. They thought they should do something to help Dutch and Dutch people
to defend traditions against violent jihadists, and against what they saw as the importation of Islamic values by the government, intended to destroy own race and culture. Right-wing extremists still see immigration as a danger, especially when it comes to muslims. But at the moment they see the greatest threat especially in plots by a powerful Jewish elite that would be bent on oppressing the people.. In the reading of right-wing extremists, Jews can do this thanks to international networks and influential positions in, among other things, the financial and cultural world.. The idea that Jews have a preconceived plan to dominate the world is old in right-wing extremist circles. The alt-right movement in particular is now breathing new life into this. The conspiracy theories of anti-government extremists about freedom-restricting measures give that further impetus. Right-wing extremists actively try to recruit among anti-government activists, responding to their dissatisfaction. In doing so, right-wing extremist ideas get mixed up with the ideas of some anti-government extremists, and sometimes blur the boundaries between the different groups. That makes it a small step to explain corona measures as yet another way to corner white Westerners. Or to come up with new conspiracy theories. Like the idea that Bill Gates, whether or not in coordination with a (Jewish) shadow elite, used the corona vaccination program to microchip and control part of the population, or even weaken and kill.

Right-wing extremists also feel the threat on a cultural level: in the emancipation of women, gays or transgender people, and in the woke movement. They would be the media, using the education and culture sector to attack traditional values and gender roles.
Many right-wing extremists live in the expectation that this cultural clash will lead to actual results within five to ten years, violent struggle in the Netherlands – a race war. They believe that it gives room for the founding of a fascist, white ethnostate.
Yet most right-wing extremist groups are currently wary of propagating that violent worldview too confrontationally.. Although they don't shy away from explicit hate online, they seem to have learned from the past that acting aggressively in public—like the skinheads of yore—repels rather than attracts potential followers.
Most groups seem to focus mainly on discrediting the current rule of law and dominating the cultural debate, in order to increase their following and make more minds ripe for their (political) agenda.
An exception to this are terrorist spin-offs and loners, for whom chaos, violence and the disintegration of society cannot come soon enough. Read more about Right-wing terrorism on page 6.
Many right-wing extremist groups ensure that they do not stand out from the rest of the population by, for example, choice of words or clothing. No army chests or tattoos – the dress code in many right-wing extremist groups is jacket-tie.
Many extremists also publicly distance themselves from violence. Yet they do consider violence a legitimate means of realizing their agenda. They deliberately only discuss this in their own (decided) kring.

In their expressions, right-wing extremists ride on already living dissatisfaction. As said to anti-government activists. But also for people who cannot find affordable housing. (An opening for extremists to discuss immigration.) Washing out the woke movement (an action movement concerned with social inequality, especially racism) enlarge them out, to be able to respond to annoyance about it. The vast majority of right-wing extremist groups in the Netherlands are currently not expecting a terrorist attack. However, they are indeed a danger to the democratic legal order.
By denying others their rights, they threaten to slowly undermine the rule of law. That lays a foundation for the desired chaos, hatred and violence.
Such insidious undermining is already happening as more people accept their extremist ideas as normal and factual. To this end, extremists sometimes use (pseudo)scientific jargon.
Right-wing extremists succeed in their goal if, for example, it becomes common to see living together exclusively as a continuous conflict, in terms of us and them. Als (disguised) anti-Semitism and hatred of cultural minorities, women, gay and transgender people are no longer recognized as such. And if many people would lose faith, that the best representative of everyone's interests is ultimately a shared rule of law.

right terrorism
■ “Accelerationism” – a violent movement within right-wing extremism – was in 2021 a growing problem.
■ In closed online chat groups, accelerationists glorify terrorist violence. Vulnerable boys are often sucked into it, and can radicalize quickly.
■ An attack by right-wing terrorist loners or groups is conceivable.

Last year, the AIVD gained a better view of a new generation of young right-wing extremists, who glorify terrorist violence and fantasize about committing violence in closed online groups. Added up, the groups have several hundred followers and new groups are added all the time. Like other right-wing extremists, they expect a race war in the future, which offers the opportunity to found a white ethno state.
But unlike most right-wing extremists, this movement wants to see that battle break out as soon as possible. If necessary, they want to initiate it themselves, by committing terrorist attacks and (with that) set populations against each other. The expectation is that only a small minority are terrorist themselves
want to use violence, but it is difficult to predict who will make that step.
Because of that desire to accelerate chaos and race war, the movement is referred to as 'accelerationism'. That term was coined by the American National Socialist James Mason, which is a source of inspiration for the movement. Mason believes right-wing extremists can never gain power through political means – government would stand in their way. Therefore, incumbent governments and existing power structures must be wiped out. Only violence and chaos can cause that. As far as we know, they are mainly (young) men participating in accelerationist groups. Most are between the 13 en 30 years old. It's a generation that grew up with the internet. That's where they go to get in touch and look for information. That's mainly where they meet. Out of sight of their surroundings, what means that radicalization can remain invisible for a long time.

Accelerationist ideas are particularly popular among young people who are particularly susceptible to radicalization because of their background. Many suffer from psychopathological disorders that are linear, make black and white thinking attractive to them. This is true to some extent for extremists from all walks of life.

Accelerationists often come from broken families, and they don't have a social safety net. Some have been bullied and have difficulty in school. The right-wing extremist emphasis on white superiority, on masculinity and violence is attractive compensation for some people. Having a gun means power – that's why they're interested in sting- and firearms and working for the Ministry of Defence. They also see that as a preparation for what they see as
inevitable race war. Accelerationist groups recruit vulnerable young people in a sophisticated way. This is done through online gaming platforms and
social media. Potential members are eventually asked to join private groups.
Groups do have drivers (the administrator of a chat group usually) and some form of internal hierarchy, But that doesn't mean there is real leadership. It's more groups of loners inspiring each other. Groups are flexible. They can pop up and disappear again, and come back in another form in another place.
Once in such an online chat group, young people become part of a world in which images of enemies are constantly, hatred, racism and violence are shared. And where they speak very derogatoryly of imagined enemies. Members talk to each other about buying weapons, manufacturing bombs, and committing attacks. They share manifestos that attackers (from other countries) have spread for inspiration, and live streams of attacks. They also venerate attackers as saints. Some groups have ideas about a kind of Valhalla, that white martyrs would wait for the good cause.
Individuals actually help each other in preparing and committing attacks. To this end, weapon manuals, military training videos and guerrilla tactics shared. Accelerationism has led to terrorist violence worldwide that has killed people. Not yet in the Netherlands.
Well there are in 2021 Six official messages sent by the AIVD about accelerationists, on the basis of which the Public Prosecution Service (ABOUT) and the National Police could act. This has led to several arrests.
Following an official message from the AIVD, in December 2021 two Dutchmen convicted of incitement to a terrorist crime, and for participating in the right-wing extremist and terrorist organization 'The Base'.
Supporters of accelerationism present a special challenge to society. Because it often concerns vulnerable loners who constantly incite each other, can the step to violence be taken quickly and poorly noticed by the environment. That requires alertness and resolute action.

To prevent further radicalization where possible, culminating in violence, to prevent, does the service provide customization. In doing so, the AIVD involves partners in care and assistance within and outside the criminal justice chain. If information from the service contributes to a care intervention through such customization,, does this also contribute to national security.

Anti-government extremism
■The AIVD realized 2021 part of the anti-government protest, especially against corona measures, radicalize.
■This has created violent anti-government extremism. A terrorist attack from that corner is now imaginable.
“A growing group of people are also losing confidence in the democratic legal order and turning their backs on it”.

That some of the anti-government activists radicalized last year, can be seen in the alarming increase in the number of threats from ministers, among others, members of the House of Representatives, scientists, medici, police officers and journalists.
Counts from, among others, the The Hague police, the Public Prosecution Service and the Press Safety hotline have more than doubled the number of reports (600 of politicians, 272 of journalists). Some threats were visible and far-reaching for many Dutch people, such as the one against Prime Minister Rutte and other ministers who symbolized Dutch corona policy.
Anti-government extremists see and treat them (and others they see as “the elite”) as hated enemies of the population. In often very rude emails, tweets, videos and posts announce they will use violence against them, they wish the recipient dead, or do they call on others to do something to him or her.
For some threats, the intention was actually seen to carry out the threats, and preparatory work was done for this. One anti-government extremist is in 2021 for example, arrested on suspicion of preparing an assassination attempt on (among other) Prime Minister Rutte. Another has been convicted of threatening terrorist violence. He was carrying a firearm when he was arrested. Between five and ten anti-government extremists were in detention during the year, one of them in the terrorist ward. They were convicted for (serious) threat or incitement. In previous years this did not or hardly occur.

The AIVD warned in its annual report 2020 even before the emergence of a breeding ground for anti-government extremism. The protest against the government, especially against the corona measures, was mainly activist at the time, although there were already extremist elements. They have since taken flight.
That anti-government extremists have started to think and act more radically, This is partly because they are incited to do so by boosters: appealing conspiracy theorists and critics of, among other things, the government's corona policy, with own media channels. With this they reach at least tens of thousands of people.
In broadcasts, on websites and in magazines they portray politicians and scientists as the new 'evil' ("Satanists" or "Child Abusers"), that with preconceived plans harms the population ('suppress' or 'decimate'). And they make it sound like it's understandable or even good for people to use violence in response. Either spontaneous ('lynch'), or organized in the form of 'tribunals'. Often they choose their words like this, that they are not punishable.
The drivers profile themselves on their media channels as experts. They are often eloquent and well-educated, what makes them credible to their audience. They're not just talking about corona, but use all kinds of news events to repeat the same kinds of messages and increase their following (so-called 'trigger events', for example the introduction of 5G). To this end, they structurally share disinformation – stories that fit their worldview, but which they often know are not true.
Their messages resonate more quickly with people who feel insecure about their income or future, and blame the government. And to people who think the government is acting unfairly. Some of their supporters actually became the victims of government failure in recent years, whether they saw that others were victims of it.
People's anger can also focus on one specific topic, for example the asylum, climate- or nitrogen policy or not being able to find housing. That can make them sensitive to ideas from boosters. Just like groups that already had the idea that society is going in the wrong direction anyway. Whoever wants, easily connects because the anti-government protest has no fixed ideological program.
The hardening among anti-government extremists seems to be exacerbated by (social) insulation. Many of them spend a lot of time online, and only encounter more extreme messages due to unilateral information gathering and the operation of algorithms. They also hear less dissenting voices in the physical world.

Discussions about the coronavirus, among other things, sometimes drive a wedge in families and groups of friends. This can ensure that people not only lose faith in institutions, but also in the people around them, so that they mainly look for like-minded people.
The hardening is also due to the involvement of right-wing extremist groups. Right-wing extremists sometimes hijack the anti-government protest for their own sake (Violent) to get the message out and to recruit people. On some themes, right-wing extremists and anti-government extremists are also growing towards each other. They also share conspiracy thinking. Both can be opportunistic in their cooperation: together they have more mass.
All these developments make anti-government extremism harder and more dangerous. In the first place, there is the danger that extreme ideas can degenerate into violence. A terrorist attack by an anti-government extremist is so imaginable. At the same time, there is an insidious and serious threat to democracy: that mistrust, disinformation and polarization that will corrode.
That it becomes so common to think hostile about politicians, scientists, journalists, Police, judges and people who think differently, that the Netherlands is more divided and belief in the democratic legal order is crumbling.
Addressing such undemocratic goals, or use of undemocratic means, is difficult but necessary. Extremism must be distinguished from completely legitimate protest. And people who don't trust the government, will see more action by public authorities as confirmation of their ideas.

Some anti-government extremists and activists are now increasingly withdrawing into their own parallel society. Some extremists organize their own 'police' or so-called 'defend groups', who do not recognize and challenge the state's monopoly on violence – they themselves say they have to protect protesters from the alleged brutality of the police.
There are activists who only follow their own media, and transition to homeschooling and taking or keeping their children out of school. Hundreds of people unsubscribed from the electoral register, because they no longer have faith in fair governance. So they gradually turn, but more and more, from the rest of society.

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AIVD jaarverslag 2020

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2021

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Right-wing extremism
Right-wing extremists more often sought the general public by presenting ideas as
respectable and by joining public protests. Online was intensive
contact between extremists worldwide, involving very violent propaganda
was shared.
Right-wing extremist groups in the Netherlands presented
their ideas last year more often as an intellectual way
of thinking, that deserves the attention of the general public.
The so-called alt-right ideology is a mixture of
conspiracy theories, views on white supremacy, and fascist,
national socialist and conservative christian ideas.

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Annual plan of the General Information- and Security (GISS) 2021

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2020

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Others

Beschrijving:

Among right-wing extremists is, met name online, an increasingly violent discourse is visible. More often than before, statements and ideologies are being made that encourage and glorify violence. The step to terrorism by right-wing extremist loners in the Netherlands is conceivable.

Particulars: Right-wing extremism on page 2

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AIVD jaarverslag 2019

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2020

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Right-wing extremism

Over several decades, the extreme right in the Netherlands was characterized by a neo-Nazi, fascist and anti-Semitic ideas. Existing groups were small and generally had little influence. This picture has changed in recent years; other forms of right-wing extremism have replaced traditional neo-Nazis, who have always remained a marginal group. This does not mean that the ideology of neo-Nazis has completely disappeared. The different variants of right-wing extremism have become much more of a mixture of different ideologies, old and new. The anti-Islam point of view is the most important new ideological driver that has increasingly emerged in recent years. 2019 was the year of right-wing extremist attackers worldwide. In addition to a number of attacks by right-wing extremists in the United States, this trend is also visible in European countries and in New Zealand and Australia. Especially the attack of an Australian in Christchurch, New Zealand, waarbij 51 people in a mosque were killed, has incited people to copycat behavior. The use of social media and especially the live streaming of attacks (like in Christchurch) plays a role in this. For example, the perpetrators of Oslo in Norway and Halle in Germany regarded the perpetrator in Christchurch as a saint and one of them declared that he had designated him as his successor. Copycat behavior is reinforced because attackers and their sympathizers find each other on right-wing extremist websites. From there, invitations are sent to closed groups, where even more extreme statements are made than on the websites. Extreme content can incite people to radicalization or even violence. The Dutch are also members of such international online groups, an example of an organization that pursues undemocratic objectives with democratic means., is Erkenbrand. The ultimate aim of this Dutch alto legal movement is to achieve an authoritarian political system that only respects the fundamental rights of the white citizen (man) guarantees. Traditional right-wing extremists react very strongly to the actions of anti-racism activists in particular, seeking to connect with locally protesting citizens. This has already happened several times (threat with) Violence led to publish and visit home addresses of anti-racism activists or to target anti-Black Pete protesters, sometimes with the participation of groups of football hooligans.

Particulars: On the extreme right on P. 15

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AIVD jaarverslag 2018

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2019

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For some right-wing extremists immigration is still equal to Islamization. Immigration and Islamization hand in their eyes a danger to the Dutch identity. It feels for those right-wing extremists like the government does the Dutch culture in the sale by admitting refugees from Muslim countries. For example, a visible representative of this ideology is the group Identitair Resistance. The anti-Islam views has many supporters in extremism, with increasingly less exclusive men as before. The anti-government sentiment that draws on prevailing sympathizers within this group who have no history of right-wing extremism. They also cherish mistrust (European) politics and sometimes against science and (pulp-)media.The goes without saying that the AIVD criticism of Islam, immigration or the government is not in itself regarded as a form of right-wing extremism. This falls within the freedom of expression. We assess such statements as extremist as it turn into hate speech, bedreigingen.Een and intimidation of the extremists even advocates for preventing mixing of races. This ethno-nationalist ideology will respond within the circle of supporters of alt-right ideology, as the 'Research Association' Erkenbrand. To have it - in their own words - nothing against the existence of several races, but Netherlands for the Dutch. There are also extremists who believe in white supremacy. These people take an anti-democratic position and pursue a racist society in which people are not considered equal. This is contrary to the democratic legal.

Particulars: Attention to extreme right page 18 en 19

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Right-wing extremism in the Netherlands

A phenomenon in motion

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2018

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Over several decades, the extreme right in the Netherlands was characterized by a neo-Nazi, fascist and anti-Semitic ideas. In recent years this has changed; Neo-Nazis are only a marginal group and other forms of right-wing extremism are previously replaced.
Anti-Islamic ideas to the fore main ideological motive which increasingly has emerged in recent years for groups and individuals within the extreme right movement, the anti-Islam views. This development began from 2014 to assume definite shapes as a consequence of two events:
• the declaration of the caliphate by ISIS and the array of jihadist terrorist attacks in Western Europe that followed;
• The flow of refugees in the course of 2015 initiated came to Europe and Netherlands.
Already existing groups in the right-wing extremist scene in Netherlands, as the Dutch People's Union (NVU), handles the rise of ISIS and the refugees to present themselves and to reach a wider audience. They did organize this is by anti-ISIS demonstrations or protests by asylum seekers. Simultaneously, a variety of new initiatives arose. Examples include Protesters against Municipalities (DTG) en United We Stand Holland (UWS). The AIVD also saw an increase
right extremist statements on the Internet against Muslims and asylum seekers.

Then in 2016 the influx of migrants stagnated, disappeared many of the above initiatives weather. Nevertheless, the anti-Islam ideology remained dominant. It is thereby made little distinction between anti-Islam- Anti-migratieretoriek. Migrants are Muslims, so the reasoning seems.
The people who are attracted to have the anti-Islam rhetoric largely no history of right-wing extremism. Traditional right-wing themes as antisemitism and Hitler Glorification enter it so little group. If however there is here, is sometimes opted not to carry out this opportunistic reasons.

AIVD jaarverslag 2017

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2018

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The views on Islam and immigration have been for some years the main ideological motives for the right-wing extremist scene in Netherlands. More recently, thereby creating a non-public sentiment.

Particulars: Right-wing extremism on page 15 en 16

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AIVD jaarverslag 2016

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2017

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The number of activities in this area from nationalist angle decreased with respect to 2015. Why did social media phenomenon "vigilantes" that would be willing to go against alleged nuisance asylum centers. This has not translated itself into 'the street'. Social media was a polemic about Zwarte Piet, where in some cases there was threat. Around Sinterklaas festivities threatened brutal confrontations. In some cases resulted in a scuffle between far-right
individuals and persons who oppose Zwarte Piet as a symbol of slavery and colonization.

Particulars: Right-wing extremism on page 8. Very little information in this report. The only terrorist attack in 2016 (In February, performed by five men of Municipalities Against Protesters, Enschede) is not appointed. Despite their sentence to four years in prison for "terrorism".

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AIVD jaarverslag 2015

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2016

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Note Kafka at GISS analysis on Pegida

The AIVD can from the opportunities they have to do good research on right-wing extremism in the Netherlands. Nevertheless, this research may lead to poor analysis. The interpretation of the anti-Islamic protest movement Pegida is an example of such bad (for one-dimensional) analysis.

According to GISS Pegida unsolicited assisted by right-wing extremists, who seek confrontations with anti-fascist counter-demonstrators. The counter-demonstrators bring Pegida in a negative light by distributing pictures of this right-wing extremists. GISS generates based on this analysis, the suggestion that Pegida is not a right-wing extremist organization.

The service stores here wrong with the board because it ignores some facts that certainly places the extreme right Pegida Netherlands.

– Pegida Netherlands is partly due to the Dutch Defence League. An extreme right-wing organization that opposes "the EU, Islamization and sharia in the Netherlands ", while collaborates with various other far-right individuals and organizations.

– From the very first demonstration Pegida Netherlands works together with activists of right-wing extremist organizations, which form part of the organization Pegida-. Initially it Identitair Resistance, later Outpost. Also with organizations Protesters Against Municipalities and the Dutch Association's Pegida alliances.

– One of the founders of Pegida Netherlands argues in her speech at the first demonstration to hate Muslims and despise. They shall then seek an unusual step to biological explanations for her ideas about Muslims. Unusual, biological theories because the domain normally be convinced neo-Nazis. It is not surprising that the Prosecution announced a day after the protest to investigate whether these expressions are punishable. The founder is still active in Pegida.

– Pegida Netherlands opposes Islam and against migration and positioned by the tone and content used in the extreme right spectrum. That a large part of the far-right movement is positively associated with Pegida therefore not surprising, After all, they share a political agenda. The presence of the Pegida Netherlands frame on Outpost demonstration 21 april 2016 Middelburg is outside the research area of the GISS analysis for the year 2015. But it confirms the picture of Pegida as extreme right-wing organization.

The above facts show provides a more complete picture about Pegida the AIVD. There is no question of an unsolicited involvement of the extreme right with Pegida. Pegida is currently a major player in the extreme right-wing movement in the Netherlands.

Particulars: Right Extremism on page 29 en 30

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AIVD jaarverslag 2014

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2015

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In 2014 Identitair Resistance was the driving force behind the new opportunity organization Pro Patria, which was introduced in August in The Hague Schilderswijk with sympathizers of ISIS, but also with anti-fascists and enforcers of law and order. Some of these right-wing extremists poses as anti-Islamists and has also participated in similar protests in Germany. The AIVD provides a shift from 'classic' right-wing extremism to anti-Islamist(s)cally resistance, accompanied by growing militancy in circles Identitair Resistance and Pro Patria. End of December 2014 Pegida Netherlands is founded, but only (yet) als Facebook- en Twitterinitiatief.

Particulars: Right-wing extremism on page 33

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AIVD jaarverslag 2013

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2014

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3.4.4 Right-wing extremism

There are in 2013 no widespread right-wing extremist events have been. Some well-known right-wing extremists used the demonstration of the Freedom Party against the government in September 2013 to draw attention to their own group. The new action group Identitair Resistance, consisting mainly of old acquaintances extreme right, came into the publicity with some actions. The right-wing extremism in the Netherlands remains a phenomenon in the margin.

Particulars: Extreme right p 27 en 28

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AIVD jaarverslag 2012

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2013

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4.4 Right-wing extremism
The AIVD investigation into right-wing extremism has shown that the fragmentation, fragmentation and disagreement among Dutch right-wing extremists in 2012 has put further. There remains however a small number of right-wing extremists active, especially those participating in social activities without direct ideological goal.

The actions of the German authorities against several German right-wing extremist groups, zoals de camaraderie Aachen Country (STAY), have under Dutch law extremists hardly led to reactions. This is because many of them good friendly contacts with German comrades kept and took part in activities organized by the KAL.

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Particulars: Extreme right p 32 en 33

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AIVD jaarverslag 2011

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2012

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2.4 Right-wing extremism

In 2011 No major changes occurred in the picture sketched in the note receding front, permanently laden November 2010 about the threat of the extreme right and extreme right. The threat of right-wing extremism goes against the democratic system in the Netherlands is small. There is organizational
Fragmentation, ideological divergences and a small, especially socially friendly basis organized grassroots.

Developments 2011

Such as the attacks in Norway by Anders Breivik and the discovery of a possible right-wing terrorist network in Germany, de National Socialist Underground (NSU),
have on the Dutch right-wing extremism hardly had any influence. The AIVD has found no links between Anders Breivik, his ideology and right-wing extremists in the Netherlands or between the NSU and right-wing extremists in Netherlands. These developments abroad have recognized the importance of vigilance (Violent) outgrowths from a right-wing extremist ideology does underline.

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Particulars: Extreme right p 16

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AIVD Right-wing extremism and the extreme right in the Netherlands

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2011

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Engels

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The investigation into the extreme
right-wing movement and right-wing
extremist movement in the Netherlands is
the longest running investigation by the
AIVD and its predecessors. In this publication
the AIVD presents the current state of
affairs in the Netherlands based on the
results of that investigation.
The AIVD investigation shows that the
threat of right-wing extremism and the
extreme right to the democratic legal order
in the Netherlands is minimal. The
movement is characterised by a small
following, mutual disagreement and
personal animosity, ideologically different
views and organisational fragmentation.
Nonetheless, the threat attributed to
right-wing extremism and the extreme right
is often much more significant. A gap exists
between the actual threat and the perceived
threat.

AIVD jaarverslag 2010

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2011

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Right-wing extremism and the extreme right

In november 2010 GISS research report receding front, permanently laden opinion on the threat from the extreme right and extreme right against the democratic system in the Netherlands. The conclusion of the study is that the threat is slight. However, it remains important to the nature, seriousness and scale to continue to explore and stay denote, to arrive at a realistic assessment of the threat.

In the Netherlands constitutes the extreme right, such as the AIVD defines, hardly a significance factor of more. The AIVD sees the extreme right as that which emerged from the Centre movement of the 90s, who wanted to realize a xenophobic and nationalist ideas by legal means. Within the right-wing extremism appears to be becoming more of a system of currents that seem to exclude each other ideologically. Because mutual contacts in the movement are mostly social in nature, may adherents of the different schools regularly work together, as in demonstrations, commemorations and training sessions.

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Particulars: Extreme right p 14 en 15

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AIVD publication receding front, permanently loaded

The extreme right and extreme right in the Netherlands

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2010

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The research on the extreme right and extreme right in the Netherlands is the longest-running investigation of the AIVD and its predecessors. In this publication, the AIVD presents the current state of affairs in the Netherlands based on the results of that investigation.
The AIVD's investigation shows that the threat of the extreme right and extreme right
against the democratic system in the Netherlands is small. The movement is characterized by a small support base, disagreement and personal animosity, ideological
divergences and organizational fragmentation. Nevertheless, the threat
is attributed to the extreme right and extreme right often much greater. Is
there is a difference between the actual and the perceived threat.

This publication describes the actual threat of the extreme right and extreme right
in Nederland, and the threats related activities, which may be revealed by research conducted by the AIVD. It is one of the resources that the AIVD to society,
inform politics and government so that they can achieve a response to the threat that does justice to the nature, seriousness and extent.

AIVD jaarverslag 2009

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2010

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3.1 Right-wing extremism

Fragmentation, fragmentation and disagreement longtime characteristic of right-wing extremism in the Netherlands continued in 2009 further by. In comparison with 2008 are fewer public events such as demonstrations organized, partly due to the disappearance of several groups and movements. The number of participants was roughly stable (between seventy and ninety). Some demonstrations, such as in March 2009 in Maastricht en in september 2009 Venlo, had more participants, but this can be explained by these events took place in the border region and foreign
Participants drew. With respect to 2007 the estimated number of active supporters fell from approximately 600 to a small 300. The known links camps still
increasingly with the problem to keep the trailer there. As in previous years, the threat posed by right-wing extremists relatively limited.

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Particulars: Extreme right p 23 en 24

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AIVD jaarverslag 2008

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2009

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4.2 Right-wing extremism and the extreme right

As in previous years the extreme right and extreme right environment continues to be characterized by fragmentation and disintegration in Netherlands. At some public events (between the 70 en 100 participants) drew several right-wing groups collectively without a growing unity exists. Youngsters who publicly manifest with right-extremist statements and symbols remain primarily a law and order problem. A development right-extremist terrorism is not addressed.

Since 2007 observable assertive stance towards left-wing anti-fascists has 2008 not led to large-scale confrontations. In 2008 took right-wing extremists themes and resources about which previously mainly been used by leftist activists. Examples include action such as cracking and 'tails' and issues such as protesting (putative) animal cruelty or oppression by the State and the police.

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Particulars: Extreme right p 37 en 38

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AIVD jaarverslag 2007

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2008

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118

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4.3 Right extremism

Fragmentation and variety characterized still right extremist landscape in the Netherlands 2007. Attempts to establish cooperation at national and international level generally ideological incompatibility and clashing characters. With a total of approximately 600 active supporters, the right-wing extremism in the Netherlands is still relatively small in size.

The trend to the right-wing extremist ideology especially through extra-parliamentary
to profess and propagate away by put this year. The number in this manner
active right-wing extremists has grown somewhat. By contrast, at the organizations
via positions in the representative organs of their right-wing extremist
try to ventilate and to realize conceptions, been stagnant or
increase only marginally.

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Particulars: Extreme right p 51 tm 53

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AIVD jaarverslag 2006

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2007

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145

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4.3 Right extremism

The threat to the Dutch democratic legal order by right-wing extremists
still is relatively low. The fragmented right-wing extremist landscape
in the Netherlands is partly to blame. The past year did show some growth
the supporters of not politically active neo-Nazi organizations, such as Blood&Honour.

Parties on the other hand who seek to achieve their goals through political means, In the past year were not substantially increased or even decreased in size. It is expected that the growth of non politically active groups also will persist in the coming year. The emergence of radical splinter groups from right-wing
youth cultures such as parts of the so-called 'Lonsdale youth' (gabberbeweging), is
been limited this year. Despite the fact that in the circles of a right extremists
fascination with weapons and violence exists, at this time is not a right-wing extremist terrorist threat. That does not mean that in this youth culture
widely felt frustration over multiculturalism further polarization in the
hand can work and thus could ultimately threaten the democratic legal.

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Particulars: Right wing extremism page 56 tm 59

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AIVD jaarverslag 2005

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2006

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117

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4.3 Right-wing extremism

Atmosphere Decisive for the right-wing extremism in the Netherlands 2005 was the murder of Mr Van Gogh 2 november 2004. Within right-wing extremist circles was after deDood of Mr. Van Gogh with renewed ferocity – especially right-wing internet forums agitated against Muslims in the Netherlands and Islamic institutions, such as mosques and Islamic schools. Anger and frustration prevailed in the various reactions. Anger towards the perpetrator, Muslims and Islam in general, and a great dissatisfaction with the role of government too would focus on dialogue with Muslims. This dissatisfaction has not led to radical actions against the relevant governments or ministers.

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Particulars: Extreme right p 49 tm 51

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AIVD memorandum Lonsdale youth in the Netherlands

Facts and fiction of an alleged right-wing extremist subculture

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2381145/01

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2005

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1. Inleiding
Iconic within the extreme right in the Netherlands are currently unorganized
(groups) individuals and youth subcultures that in many ways, and whether or not politically motivated propagate an extreme right-wing or racist message. More and more indigenous youth use extreme right symbols to emphasize their identity.
Because different immigrant youth in the public space also in groups
manifest, comes especially in the smaller towns and secondary schools in the country
regularly to provocations and confrontations. Thereby initiated the provocation is sometimes
of the youths and then the immigrant youth. When incidents on
This way caused the mere outward show of the extreme right
indigenous young enough for major societal resistance. Especially young people
likes to dress in brand Lonsdale, popularly called "Lonsdale youth" called, zijn
last year subject of great social, political and media attention
been. Lonsdale is no more than a British clothing brand that likes to be worn inside the
largest youth subculture in Netherlands. The vast majority of young people that Lonsdale
wear manifests itself without political ideology and loose connections. Although the
problems they create are mainly in the field of public order, , the fact
that some of them dress uniform and uses right-wing extremist symbols, of
perceived right-wing extremist threat emanating from them strengthen.

AIVD jaarverslag 2004

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2005

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142

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4.3 Extreme right

The two main neo-Nazi movements in the Netherlands, The Dutch People's Union (NVU) en de Racial Volunteer Force (RVF), are currently limited in size and relatively isolated in their extreme views. The RVF is a small, Originating British Blood&Honour organization in mid 2002 dissatisfaction with the moderate course of the NCE was founded. RVF and NCE in the past year do speak little of themselves. The NVU organized on 5 juni 2004 a demonstration in The Hague. This demonstration resulted in riots which were mainly caused by extreme left-wing counter-demonstrators.

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Particulars: Extreme right p 45 tm 47

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AIVD jaarverslag 2003

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2004

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142

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3.8 Extreme right

Extreme right in the Netherlands opposes the influx and integration of ethnic minorities into Dutch society and also carries out anti-democratic attitudes. At this time the extreme right in the Netherlands poses no serious threat to the democratic legal. The current summary (election) attraction of the extreme right-wing organizations seems to be partly due to the introverted and closed nature of this environment. The widely held aversion to the Dutch public cherishes towards the extreme right-wing ideology is the cause of the yard limited power of this flow.

Because the political establishment now strong criticism took on the drawbacks of multi-ethnic society and numerous policy initiatives to combat these, the role of the extreme right seems as electoral protest movement at this moment played out. However, the extreme right still can ever, by carrying out radical operations, sharpening inter-ethnic relations within the Dutch society and the confidence in the functioning of the democratic legal harm. Therefore this movement keeps the attention of the AIVD and the authorities to be notified when radical actions arise.

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Particulars: Extreme right p 43 en 44

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AIVD jaarverslag 2002

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2003

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142

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